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PTI's anti drone, peace march to Waziristan: News & Discussions

I.K. has two major hallmarks that all great leaders have:

1. All great leaders frequently call their followers towards events and objectives that are difficult and unachievable in the eyes of common people. Take the example of our Prophet - PBUH as a leader. His life is full of examples of extremely difficult expeditions and ventures.

2. All great leaders set the trend in their respective times , with others to follow.
 
Silsila jaari rehna chahiye, aainda, Wana kya, Miranshah tak jana chahiye.

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Check out baaghi sahab, I think this is definitely not suitable to his health.


Baghi is fit enough to go to Wazrisitan, why not then on top of truck ??


he is Baghi because he leads from the front...
 
October 09, 2012

The Inheritance of Loss

Imran Khan’s Revolution

by FARZANA VERSEY
Mumbai.


The worst thing Imran Khan could have done to reclaim self respect is use a bunch of sympathetic foreigners to convey his legitimate stand against drone attacks. There were these gentle people going right into the rough terrain. It contrasted rather sharply with Khan’s own costume, complete with a gold turban. He was the tourist guide to a group of adventurers.

He could have been the messiah to a lost people. Instead, he is seen as a drum-beater, demagogue and a terror apologist. He miscalculated badly. The fundamentalists think he is too westernised and his empathy is opportunistic. The liberals want no truck with a man who acts like a tribal chief.

Khan, in fact, belongs somewhere in the middle. That too is a problem, for no one understands that place. He, too, seems to be quite oblivious to its potential.

On Saturday, October 6, he decided to bring global attention to the impenetrable regions of South Waziristan, where the drone attacks are mainly directed. His ‘virtual’ appeal was terminologically confusing: “Hundreds of thousands of people in my country, Pakistan, are under siege from US drones: robot weapons that indiscriminately kill children, and terrorise families every day. This weekend I am leading a peace march against this secret war, and if all of you join me virtually, we could create a public storm to stop this torment.” If these weapons are robots and mechanical, he loses moral ground. It is also not a secret war. The United States has been pusillanimous.

He further stated, “America’s deadly drones campaign is illegal and counterproductive – instead of beating terrorists it is driving more people to anti-American extremism.”

This is the worrying aspect of his campaign. Why does he as a representative of his country even want America to ‘beat terrorists’, unless they are on US soil? Besides, the argument that the drone attacks have led to anti-Americanism is not quite accurate. Western imperialistic attitudes have bothered people in the region for long, partly due to their compulsive need to support Islamic regimes and partly because of the fear that their own land might one day become a theatre for such wars as the one in Palestine or, more recently, other Arab states.

Besides, terrorism preceded the drone attacks. Pakistan’s northern regions have been used as terror camps, although their main targets were Kashmir.


As the convoys moved from Islamabad, travelling several miles to Dera Ismail Khan, it was obvious that Imran Khan’s attempt at reaching out to a global audience had succeeded. These were people who would carry the message: the message of not completing the journey. In a moment of literary becoming literal, they turned back from Tank. No truth can be more potent.

The general euphoria of “we have made a point” was like a sentence cut short. There were security reasons and danger. Is this not what the US claims to protect the people against? Did the government agencies not reveal the vulnerability of Imran Khan when they, supposedly, did not provide adequate security? Was there any truth to the earlier statement made by the tribal chiefs that his rally would be met with bombs?

“The whole world has heard your voice. A majority of people in the world as well as international newspapers have condemned the drone attacks,” he boomed. The world is not made up of those who already know.

Lauren Booth, sister of Tony Blair’s wife Cherie, was there. Her conversion to Islam in the popular imagination is more drastic than her brother-in-law’s to Catholicism. She played and dressed the part. But you can’t take out years of indoctrination. She told Pakistan’s Express Tribune, “[The people] are saying thank you, thank you for remembering Waziristan.”

Which people? Did the jirgas send their emissaries with a return gift?

According to a report, “The head of American NGO Reprieve, Clive Stafford Smith, said he brought a message from his mother who had suffered at the hands of Hitler – and that she too felt the pain of drone victims and their families.” It probably did not strike him that the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (Fazl) chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman considers Imran Khan as an agent of the West and the Jews. So the Hitler example would not quite hit home the point.

These nice folks who stood out in the heat and dust as different people spoke about how the US was wrong, how people are also killed in other parts of the world.

Medea Banjamin, co-director of Code Pink said, “People are taking great risks to come here. It shows the depth of conviction that we have to say that ‘I don’t want my government killing innocent people in my name and I’m going to put my body on the line to try to stop it’. ”

If anything, this is counter-productive. It conclusively implies that those tribals are blood-thirsty and no one is safe anywhere close to them. The anti-US voices ended up speaking up unintentionally for the US.

An activist, Chelsea Faria, told NBC, “A lot of anti-Americanism is actually created due to the drone war. It’s making us a lot less safe.” It is about them, not the Pakistanis, who they came to offer solidarity to.

The Daily Telegraph, while quoting Khan on not reaching the destination – “Could not take that risk with foreigners and women. The army told us there was a genuine threat” – opined, “The threats were nothing more than a chance to silence government opposition, or they were a convenient excuse for Khan to back down from a confrontation, depending on whom you believe.”


The cynicism towards the PTI, though, is magnified in Pakistan. Had a similar rally been organised by activist groups or even the ruling Pakistan People’s Party, there would not have been a backlash. Imran Khan is condemned for raising the points that everyone wants solved. His attempt last year to hold a jalsa brought up several issues.

He used the Minar-e-Pakistan site in Lahore to convey to the large crowds his concerns. “These rulers and politicians have deposited ill-gotten $100 billion in Swiss banks, whereas Pakistan’s total debt is $60 billion.” Even then his manner was aggressive when he threatened: “face civil disobedience and wrath”. In a nation where suicide bombing may well be construed as civil disobedience and wrath combined, he lost the plot.

He had to resort to the usual tactics: “We have started a tsunami-like mass movement for a corruption and exploitation-free Pakistan as envisaged by the Father of the Nation Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Allama Mohammad Iqbal.” No Constitution explicitly lays down how to circumvent bribes and these gentlemen had not seen the growth of the country nor its degeneration. This came across as rhetoric, a rhetoric that politicians routinely indulge in. But Imran Khan was meant to be an alternative, untainted by scams and hollow vows.

Because it sounded rehearsed, his genuine discussion about health, education, use of natural resources that are embezzled away or not adequately exploited to make Pakistan self-sufficient, justice, and gender parity where “women get their share in the property under the Sharia” were forgotten in the recording of the crowds that had gathered.

These may well be seen as empty promises of politicians. So, why are they given the benefit of doubt and why not Imran Khan?

To some extent, he was fighting the enemies within and making them squirm. “PTI believes in talks with the tribals, as there are a million armed tribal people in Pakistan who cannot be coerced into slavery.” The tribals have been outside of the ambit of the Pakistan government. It has worked to its advantage as well as disadvantage, for with its hands-off attitude it let outside forces in. But soon enough they began entering the mainstream. Today, the Taliban is not relegated to the FATA region. It is in the streets, it is grabbing property and creating fear. That there could be quasi-Taliban groups cannot be ruled out. The polarisation has happened because the government could not take a stand.

Khan has been upfront about this: they should not fight America’s war. “Drones are anti human-rights. They are against international law. We want to convey the message to America – if you send drones, the people will hate more.”

It is a quid pro quo attitude that denotes nothing. From donation drives for the hospital he set up to peace rallies, he appears to be more of an activist and less of a statesman. Good intentions apart, he tends to be an opposing force. This is reminiscent of the rebels of the Arab Revolutions. His party does not have bankable names. While people are most certainly not happy with the current state of the country, President Asif Ali Zardari does manage to get sympathy because he is dealing with the army, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and the NATO forces. That the government may be quite cognisant of how all three work and probably be in tandem with them does not register when people are dying every day.

Khan has been speaking out against American policy and interference earlier, but his serious political initiation took place much later. And now when he talks about how he will shoot the drones if he is elected prime minister, it sounds as though he is mimicking the Taliban.

Pakistan is desperate to get a clean image and Imran Khan it appears does not believe in doing the laundry.

Farzana Versey is a Mumbai-based writer and author of ‘A Journey Interrupted: Being Indian in Pakistan’. She can be reached at Cross Connections
 
There is a lot of inexplicable and explicable criticism on I.K. before and after this peace march. Some (like Moulana Fazal-ur-rehman and may even Jamat-i-Islami.) have developed a feeling that if I.K. succeeds, their "shops" will be closed. It is natural to have this fear. Then there are journalists who have appointed themselves to the position of being the "champion and most knowledgeable" about Waziristan and if something is done that is not "right" (according to their point of view), then it is useless.

The question we need to answer is, what is the real use of this march for the people of Pakistan and Pakistan as a country ?

To answer this we will need to go back in history and compare this peace march with other similar attempts of great leaders of the past.

Take the example of Gandhi first, as it is closer to our geography. If I remember, he did the famous long march to go to the sea and make the sea salt (to impress that Hindustani salt is a good as anything else). Now, the march itself did not free India but all along the way (of many hundred miles) the people greeted him, they developed self belief and an association with their leader. They understood their worth as human beings and developed a sense of self respect. This is what is needed in Pakistan today and this is, in my view, the biggest achievement of this march. This, so called, war on terror has brought people to a position where they have very low self esteem and it is very dangerous.

In addition, I.K. has two hallmarks that are common in all great leaders:

1. All great leaders impress people outside their geographical area, race, religion and language. Nelson Mandela is a prime example. I.K. has shown that he is capable of impressing others as well.

2. All great leaders, regularly and constantly, call their followers to campaigns and objectives that are difficult, dangerous and unachievable in the eyes of the common man. With these campaigns the great leaders push the boundaries of the unjust and evil system which is in control of the society (before being challenged). Our Prophet - PBUH as a leader is the best example of these campaigns. Once again I.K. has shown this quality.

We should not judge this peace march for what it looks on the surface or meets the eye. The real objectives that can be achieved with a campaign like this is to invigorate the people and make them rise against tyranny and injustice.

In addition to Maulna Fazal and some journalists, there are "others" (and the real enemies) who have been badly hurt by this march. "They" have replied yesterday by attacking Malala Yousafzei to create an impression that drone strikes are legitimate because the strikes kill those who have no respect for anyone.

A more respectable approach from our political parties and press would have been to congratulate I.K. in his effort and bring everyone together as one nation. Alas! we have never done it in past and cannot do it now.

Our leaders lack wisdom and insight.
 
Interesting interview of Clive Stafford Smith, I guess this is a relevant thread so posting here


This part is also very interesting (the numbering in the parts is incorrect so if you want to watch full interview you should go to Youtube and type "Ikhtilaf 12 october 2012"

 
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Drone Politics in Pakistan

Interviewer: Jeanne Park, Deputy Director
Interviewee: Joshua Foust, Fellow, American Security Project

October 12, 2012



Imran Khan, a former cricket star-turned-politician, led a two-day march last weekend that focused new attention on U.S. drone strikes in Pakistan. For Joshua Foust, a fellow at the American Security Project, the march demonstrates how Khan, who is running for prime minister as head of the party Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf (PTI), is exploiting public anger over U.S. drone strikes. Foust questions Khan's silence on the subject of the Pakistani Taliban, especially in light of Tuesday's shooting of teen activist Malala Yousufzai. "It's important to remember that the Taliban were rampaging in Pakistan before there were drones," he says. As far as U.S.-Pakistan relations on terrorism, he says the relationship needs to be renegotiated to "shift to a more collaborative system, where the U.S. actively engages in target selection and ultimately target neutralization with the Pakistani government."

Khan has been a vocal critic of U.S. drone strikes in Pakistan. Would you agree with his assessment that drones strikes have been "so unproductive"?

I would only agree in a partial sense: Drones in Pakistan are enormously controversial. Part of that actually stems from the efforts of people like Imran Khan, who [have campaigned actively to] make them unpopular. However, drones have actually been very productive in terms of [destroying] certain terrorist networks and killing terrorist leaders. So, in a broad sense, they're both productive and unproductive. But as a politician who's [derived] a lot of his popularity from his opposition to drones, he's also very likely to say that as well.

Does Khan offer a better solution to wiping out militants?

Short answer: no. Count how often he mentions the Taliban. It's rare. That's a big problem.

According to some reports, turnout at the final rally was well below the anticipated number. Do you think this march succeeded in achieving its goals? Or was it more a piece of political theater to bolster Khan's candidacy?

It was supposed to be political theater from the beginning. Since the protest kind of fizzled out and no one really wound up caring that the military blocked his attempt to get into south Waziristan, the PTI activists have since shifted their tack to saying that the fact that we're even talking about the march means it was a success, because it raised visibility of drone strikes. But their original goal wasn't to raise visibility. Within Pakistan, drone strikes are already a visible issue. They're part of the daily political churn of the country. What they were hoping that by including Code Pink [the U.S.-based anti-war group] in the march they would raise awareness in the West. That didn't happen.

From the other side of it, I'm not really sure how public opinion against drones in Pakistan could be galvanized any more than it already is. Last year, the Raymond Davis affair saw hundreds of thousands of people angrily rampaging through the streets when Davis was not summarily executed as soon as he was arrested. And that was tied up mostly in public anger over the drone strikes. It's not like people can get all that much angrier about it.

[Khan is] positioning himself as a very classic demagogue trying to rise up through the ranks. [But] despite all of this clever positioning, you don't really get a sense of how he'd run the country. He just says Pakistan needs to be for Pakistanis. And that's all very true, but the terms under which that happens, and the terms under which Pakistanis govern their own state matters a tremendous amount. I have yet to hear him [articulate his] grand vision for Pakistan.

Do you think it's significant that they failed to reach South Waziristan?

I would've been surprised if they had been allowed into South Waziristan. As much as the Pakistani government has a certain interest in ginning up this nationalist outrage against drones, ultimately it would've been a public relations disaster [to let them into South Waziristan], because the Taliban had toyed with supporting Khan. Some [Taliban] elements [even] supported the march. But, the Taliban [is] so hated in Waziristan that the PTI marchers could have run into people who supported drones, which would have completely ruined their whole modus operandi. They [also] could have been easily attacked by the Taliban.

Do you think Khan can ultimately translate his popularity into parliamentary seats?

The fact that Khan criticizes the weapons trying to defeat the Taliban but declines to actually condemn the Taliban is, to me, unjustifiable.
Khan is being extraordinarily irresponsible in how he's tried to appeal to certain demographics but supported the Taliban while ratcheting up his anti-Americanism. I fail to see how that does anything to help Pakistan, especially when you hear of a fourteen-year-old girl [Malala Yousufzai] getting shot in the head by the Taliban. The fact that he criticizes the weapons trying to defeat the Taliban and declines to condemn the Taliban is, to me, just unjustifiable.

It's important to remember that the Taliban were rampaging in Pakistan before there were drones. And this girl that was shot wasn't piloting a drone. She was just demanding the right to go to school. So there is something disingenuous about what Khan is doing, but he is very good at drawing a crowd. And he is going to get a decent number of seats in the parliament. He'll be part of whatever ruling coalition eventually emerges.

Why doesn't Khan address the atrocities committed by the Taliban, and the Pakistani army, both of which have claimed more lives than those kill by drone attacks?

If you're an ardent Pakistani nationalist, it's easy to blame other countries for every bad thing happening inside your own country. The United States does it too – with China. We have a tendency to blame our economic problems on China instead of on the bad decisions our leadership has made over the last thirty years. The same thing applies to Pakistan. Their leadership has made really bad decisions over the last several decades, and instead of grappling with that, they've decided to [vilify] the United States.

What do you think we can expect from the upcoming elections?

Khan has an uphill battle ahead of him. I hesitate to predict too much about Pakistani politics just because that never turns out well. The PPP is President Zardari's party, formerly the party of Benazir Bhutto. Nawaz Sharif runs the other major parties in Pakistan. They still have really substantial followings, and I'd be very surprised if Imran Khan is able to sweep the election, or even gain a majority that he would need to become the uncontested prime minister. There's going to be some sort of bargaining process, some sort of behind-the-scenes wrangling for who ends up in charge. If [Khan] does become PM, it's going to come at a cost. He's going to have to compromise on some things. I don't know what those things are yet, but it's not going to be the clean sweep he's predicted.

Do you see this latest wave of anti-drone sentiment affecting U.S.-Pakistani relations, which hit a nadir a few months ago?
[U.S.-Pakistani relations] probably won't get as bad as they were when Pakistan closed off NATO supply lines. What I find remarkable about the current crop of officials who are associated with President Zardari is [how] their complaints of U.S. policy have [shifted]. It's no longer complaints about drone strikes or trying to say that all drone strikes are illegal [per se], which used to be the line you would hear from a lot of them. Instead it's become the U.S. doesn't collaborate enough with us, or the U.S. doesn't spend enough time reconciling its target lists with Pakistan's target list. Or even demanding that they be put in charge of certain kinds of drone operations. I don't want to speak for all Pakistani officials, but there's a growing sense that those drones really do serve concrete security purpose, and [many] officials want them to continue.

The U.S. and Pakistan need to renegotiate the terms of their relationship. We're operating under constraints that were designed eight years ago, when Pakistan was run by a military dictatorship.
Ultimately though, the U.S. and Pakistan need to renegotiate the terms of their relationship. We're operating under constraints that were designed eight years ago, when Pakistan was run by a military dictatorship and when we had a different administration in power here in the U.S., and in a lot of ways those existing frameworks are not compatible with current conditions. The mood in both countries has shifted substantially as well, primarily on the Pakistani side with this deep-seated opposition to drone strikes that has cropped up.

So there is probably going to be some sort of change in the relationship. With any luck, meaning if all the negotiators involved are smart enough to do this, there's going to be a shift to a more collaborative system, where the U.S. actively engages in target selection and ultimately target neutralization with the Pakistani government. The big question is going to be whether the Pakistani government itself is willing to play ball, and ultimately that is going to be determined to a large degree by who winds up as the next prime minister.

CFR
 
Now after Malala incident..
IK is all if a sudden the villian and in the dog house...
 
You probably have a home back in Hawaii so if your neighbor was climbing over the fence and taking a crap on your lawn I would think you'd be pretty angry unless you enjoy waking up to find dry human feces early in the morning.

Well now take that to a grander scale but instead of you finding turds you're digging up bodies of women and children, the casualties of those drone strikes, out of rubble.

How do you think we should react?
 
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