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Pallywood: Debunking Palestinean Lies

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Is CNN Lying About al-Dura?

MAY 23, 2013 11:48
BY ALEX MARGOLIN

Amid the mounds of coverage generated by this week’s government report stating definitively that Israel did not kill Muhammad al-Dura in 2000, CNN’s headline and video stand out.

The headline, “Did Israel lie about child’s death?” sets the tone. But the kicker comes midway through the video, when we meet none other than cameraman Talal Abu Rahma, the one who shot the infamous footage of al-Dura and his father cowering behind a barrel broadcast by France 2 in 2000.

Turns out, he now works for CNN.

Rahma has been at the center of allegations that the footage is less reliable than it appears to be. And the entire Israeli report, in essence, is an indictment of his work – and credibility.

So we have CNN presenting a biased headline for a story where the work of one of its own employees is – or should be – the main subject of discussion. But instead of putting Rahma under the microscope, CNN gives him a platform to claim innocence in the entire affair.

So the real question has to be – does CNN place the interests of its cameraman above the interests of its viewers who expect honest coverage?

In the meantime, check out HR’s video recapping the al-Dura story:


 
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Another excerpt:

Pallywood

The PR bonanza sparked by Muhammad al-Dura gave birth to Pallywood, a cottage industry dedicated to producing Palestinian propaganda films. When Palestinian officials alleged that Israel was using radioactive uranium and nerve gas against civilians,[952] official PA television broadcast fake “news footage” of “victims” plagued by vomiting and convulsions.[953] Another clip from state-run Palestinian TV used actors to depict Israeli soldiers “raping and murdering” a Palestinian girl in front of her horrified parents.[954]

When Mohammed Bakri set out to make his documentary film Jenin, Jenin – “to tell the Palestinian truth about the Battle of Jenin” – he created the illusion of “atrocities” by intersplicing footage of Israeli tanks with pictures of Palestinian children and “eyewitness testimony” describing “war crimes.” When questioned about one manipulative scene that suggested Israeli troops had run over Arab civilians, Bakri admitted to constructing the footage as an “artistic choice.”[955] This cinematic farce – rather than being rejected by film critics – was awarded Best Film at the Carthage International Film Festival, and received the International Prize for Mediterranean Documentary Filmmaking and Reporting.

On another occasion, when the Palestinian PR plan called for some footage of dead bodies, Arab actors staged a “funeral” for unsuspecting journalists. This Pallywood production – secretly videotaped by an Israeli drone – shows a man walking over to a stretcher, lying down, being wrapped in a shroud, and being carried in the “funeral procession.” When the “dead body” falls off the stretcher, he stands up and climbs back on. And when the “corpse” is dropped a second time, he stomps off angrily – apparently regarding his own funeral as too dangerous to his health.[956]

When confronted with this hoax, the Palestinian Human Rights Society quickly invented an alibi: “A Palestinian producer was shooting a film at the same site” where the journalists just happened to be. “What was perceived as a staged ‘burial’ was actually acting for a film.”[957]

That excuse was so laughable that Palestinians had to revert to their old standby: blame Israel. “What the footage actually shows is a group of children playing ‘funeral’ near the cemetery,” the Palestinian Human Rights Society said. “It is not uncommon... to witness Palestinian children playing a game where they pretend they have been killed. It is part of a phenomenon raising fears among child experts that a generation in the Palestinian territories has suffered serious psychological damage from Israeli violence directed against the Palestinian civilian population.”[958]

Putting aside the psycho-babble, here’s what really happened: This staged event is part of a precise formula – death, destruction and children – guaranteed to get the most airtime on the evening news. That’s why Palestinian PR operatives are quick to exploit an event, sensationalize it, and construct an anti-Israel scenario that caused it all. They’re not concerned about getting caught, because by the time Israel is able to gather its wits and unravel the truth, the damage has already been done. And they know that Western journalists – no matter how many times they’ve been burned before – can always be counted on to promote the narrative of “Israeli aggressors.”


Simmons, Shraga (2012-02-11). David & Goliath: The explosive inside story of media bias in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict (Kindle Locations 3191-3218). Emesphere Prod.. Kindle Edition.

So this is what Israel is fighting against: Palestinians generate video footage of “Israeli atrocities,” then obscure the evidence to ensure that Palestinian “eyewitnesses” remain as the only source of information. The media then pronounces Israel guilty until proven innocent. Gaza Beach, al-Dura, Jenin, Tuvia Grossman (“the photo that started it all”) all fit the pattern. By the time Israel can gather the facts, the party is over. With today’s news so image-driven – and Palestinian stringers providing the majority of information and images – Palestinians are holding a lot of cards. These iconic images create a “record of events” that forms the historical narrative for generations to come.

Simmons, Shraga (2012-02-11). David & Goliath: The explosive inside story of media bias in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict (Kindle Locations 3290-3295). Emesphere Prod.. Kindle Edition.

Palestinians, this is obviously not the way to win a media war.
You don't win with lies. You win with truth combined with black humor.
Over & out for now.
 


Combat cameramen disprove Palestinian propaganda
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06/04/2014, 19:39
Yuval Azulai

A unit of highly trained combat soldiers uses cameras to document military operations.

Last August, First Sergeant Naor Blanco joined a Netzah Yehuda battalion (Kfir brigade) nighttime operation to arrest a wanted man suspected of terrorist activity in the Jenin refugee camp. Blanco, a combat cameraman working for the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) Spokesperson’s Unit, arrived ready for the mission, however, as is often the case on the battlefield, things got complicated. “Shortly after we went in, they started shooting at us from different directions,” he recounts. “We acted according to regulations, and our forces returned fire when they had identified the sources of the shooting. While advancing in one of the alleyways, a large brick hurtled towards me and fell a short distance from me. That whole time, I held the camera and documented the battle and the exchanges of fire. I turned towards the direction from which the brick was thrown at me, and I identified a terrorist standing on a nearby rooftop. He was about to throw another brick at me. I realized I was in a life-threatening situation.”

Blanco didn’t hesitate: “I had no doubt about what I needed to do in the situation, and I acted swiftly. I put the camera in my vest, and I raised my rifle. The clip was already loaded. The terrorist was about 30 or 40 meters away from me. I aimed, pulled the trigger, and shot a single bullet, which hit him precisely, below his knee. He was injured, and neutralized, and no longer a threat to me or my fellow force members.

The operation ended with the suspect killed, and two Palestinians injured in the confrontation with IDF forces. But even after the forces left Jenin, Sergeant Blanco’s work continued. “When we finished at the refugee camp, I immediately made contact with the chief IDF Spokesperson representative in Central Command Major Ran Baroz and brigade representatives in Judea and Samaria. I understood from them that according to reports that had already been released by Palestinian sources, the IDF had purportedly perpetrated crimes in the nighttime operation, and a 14 year old youth had been injured. I took out my playback equipment, and sent the video documenting the development of the event. The material had been through preliminary editing, the images were distributed to all the communications networks, and within a short time, the tone of the reports cooled down.

“The visual material proved that it was a planned operation to capture a terrorist, and there was clear documentation of the fact that it was the terrorists who opened fire on us. The footage left no doubt that the forces that operated in the field acted with restraint, and the soldiers only fired when a life-threatening situation arose. The footage included cries of “Kill the Jews,” which could be heard constantly in the background. There is nothing better than seeing something with your own eyes, so headlines saying “The IDF invaded Jenin” were switched within minutes and updated to say “The IDF carried out an anti-terrorist operation in Jenin.”

“This is the pinnacle, from every perspective, on every level,” he admits with a glint in his eyes. “I know that the communication networks hate to retract reports they have published. And here, my footage from the field changed the entire thrust of the event’s coverage.”

Blanco is one of 24 fighters who are classified as "combat cameramen" who were trained in a special unit established by the IDF Spokesperson’s unit two years ago, and which operates as a combat platoon in every respect. They have undergone arduous training in the Golani brigade, like any other combat soldier. They know when to place the enemy in the crosshairs of their rifles, and when to point their cameras at them.

One picture is worth a thousand spins
Years later than it should have, the IDF has come to understand that stealth fighters and smart bombs are not enough to win the battle for public opinion, and that one good picture can save commissions of enquiry and a few other international headaches. En route to this victory, the IDF decided to forego one or two guns on the battlefield, and to replace them with still or video cameras that will make it possible to tell the same story to the world, in an entirely different way.

The men documenting operations are combat soldiers in every respect. They operate in the hottest conflict zones, they are up against civilian populations in the field, they see the whites of the terrorists’ eyes, and when bullets are whistle over their heads, their story only gets more interesting. When the forces advance towards their target with their fingers on their triggers, the combat cameraman points a loaded, battle-adapted camera, so the IDF can guarantee itself victory in the next battle - the one that will follow the moment the soldiers have left the heat of the battlefield: the battle of how the operation is perceived.

“We all have a love for this, we have the bug,” says Blanco, who studied cinematography as a communications major of the Rothberg High School in Ramat Hasharon. “It is safe to assume that if my first encounter with a camera had taken place only in the army, I would simply not be here.”

"They have the physical ability of any fighter,” said a senior officer in the IDF Spokesperson’s division who is responsible for the unit, “More than this, and more than their photographic abilities in a wide variety of situations, these soldiers know the language, and know how to understand the commands that are given in the field in the most high-pressure situations, and to communicate with the forces operating alongside them. Being a soldier is a profession, and soldiers have a language. Our operations documenters know it, because they are soldiers who have undergone the entire training process that their colleagues have, and it helps their ability to operate in the stormiest circumstances.”

The decision to create the operations documenters’ division was made during the tenure of the previous IDF Spokesperson, Brigadier General Yoav Mordechai, who has since been promoted to the rank of Major General, and today serves as Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories. The current IDF spokesperson, Brig. Gen. Motti Almoz, adopted this approach, and ordered the continued development of the new unit, which provides priceless material for IDF public relations.

The soldier behind the camera
Friday afternoon, the third week of February. The Jalazone Palestinian refugee camp is ready for battle, while the neighboring Jewish settlement Beit El is anticipating the weekly rioting. This is actually a good day for riots: clear skies, warm weather, and mild sunshine overhead. An IDF aircraft continuously transmits images of what is happening in the refugee camp to the Binyamin Regional Brigade - preparations for a major riot, in which the participants will try, as they always do, to challenge the IDF forces, reach the settlement’s fences, and break through.

The IDF forces are ready on the ground. The battle lines have been drawn up in advance: the valley, a swathe of green separates Beit El from Jalazone a landscape of terraced olive groves. The forces have already deployed a few ambushes out in the area. The fighters know well how close they will let the rioters get to the fence around the settlement, and also when to employ the means at their disposal to disperse the riot. On the outskirts of the village someone is trying to incite the riot - but it does not erupt. Minutes go by, a mob burns a tire, others try to throw rocks from the ineffective distance of a few hundred meters. It’s boring. “It’s actually a nice day today,” says the operations documenter, Sergeant Shuval Nachum, who has already prepared himself for a major riot. “I was sure there would be a fierce standoff, and there would be work.”

Sergeant Nachum, who has been taking pictures since he was 12, and went to the Ironi Bet Public High School in Modi’in where he majored in communications at a very high level, knows exactly what is expected from him when things heat up. “If there is a disturbance, I go down from here, to the area where the incident is taking place, and I document everything possible in order to bring the most relevant pictures possible from there,” he says. “I can’t remember a situation in which I was sent on a mission and I didn’t have the means to do it. If I shoot video at night, I have special tools that allow me to film in complete darkness, using night-vision technology. All the lights on the camera are well hidden, because, of course, we know that any little light and any flash could cause our forces to be exposed and complicate things. In many cases, we also use cameras that are attached to our helmets. Everything is adapted to the needs in the field.”

While the documenters wait on alert for the anticipated flare up, a Binyamin Regional Brigade officer, Col. Yossi Pinto, arrives at the troops’ meeting point in order to assess the situation feel the lay of the land. Relaxed? According to the brigade, it only seems that way.

When the Jalazone rioters begin to attack the Jewish settlers with the stones and Molotov cocktails that they have prepared, Col. Pinto finds time to talk about the IDF before the combat documenters were deployed, and compare it to today, when no commander can allow himself to plan an operation, or any military activity, without one. “Today, any military operation performed by forces in the field without a combat documenter would be lacking,” he says. “The documenting of an incident or operation allows me to incriminate the people involved after the event. When I have the appropriate documentation, I send forces at night to arrest the perpetrator that I recorded earlier, and to imprison him.”
Can you give examples?

“For example, it happened not long ago in an even where a rioter was photographed throwing a Molotov cocktail. The photo that the combat documenter provided allowed us to take action against him and was the basis for his conviction. Dozens of convictions have been made this way. That is why, in the vast majority of operations, I insist that a documenter join the operation. Because their output serves not only communications needs, but also all manner of operational purposes, or for debriefing.”

It is not uncommon, during riots or clashes at check points to which combat documenters were sent, for rioters to try and block the lenses with their hands. “In quite a few instances there is physical contact between me and the rioters in the field. They push me, touch the cameras, try to block the lens with their hands,” says Sergeant Nachum. “If my fellow force members aren’t covering me at that time, I manage alone - I push back and create good photo opportunities for myself. A year ago, I was sent to a riot that involved Molotov cocktails being thrown, and I arrived quickly at the scene, really just a few seconds before the soldiers who were supposed to disperse the riot. I was stuck between the masses and I started documenting, while there was physical contact with the rioters going on. I brought two of them to the ground with my hands.”

“We know in advance about every operation or activity that is expected for the coming week in all the areas in which the IDF operates, and we decide together with the commanders in the field where there will be a combat documenter, and where there won’t,” says the officer in charge of the unit. “In all the instances, brigades ask to have a documenter with the forces and there are many situations in which we say ‘no,’ because there are no documenters available. Our preference is for the documenters to work in the more complicated areas.

“The documenters themselves know which forces they will be joining in future conflicts, in case of an operation in Gaza or Lebanon. They prepare for such events and train for them. They know the commanders, and they are experts in combat situations like any soldier. In time of need, every one of them will know what he must do, and no one will be surprised.”

The IDF Spokesperson’s Unit is planning to continue the program and train more such documenters, so it will be possible to send fighters armed with cameras even to the complex operations of Squadron 13 other elite units. “It will happen. No one has any doubt of that,” said an IDF Spokesperson. “Today, we can only imagine how the Muhammad al-Durrah incident (during the Second Intifada) would have unfolded had we had a combat documenter at the scene.

Published by Globes [online], Israel business news - www.globes-online.com - on April 3, 2014

[H/T EoZ who adds: "This is great....but I wish they would release more footage! The leftists who film riots often edit out the parts where the Arabs are throwing stones or to make it appear that the IDF shot tear-gas before any rioting, and we need more of the IDF videos to show the truth."]
 
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Sunday, February 22, 2015

One day after Gazans killed in tunnels, Hamas claims there are no tunnels


From Ma'an:

A Hamas spokesman on Saturday slammed what he described as a campaign of "incitement and deception" by a number of Egyptian journalists against the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip.
Hamas spokesman Sami Abu Zuhri denied reports that Palestinians have been traveling via tunnel into Egypt recently, denouncing what he called a "Zionist-like" network that had spread the rumors and sought to sow discord between Egypt and Palestine.
All of the tunnels under the border area, he said, have been destroyed and both Egyptian and Palestinian security forces have been guarding both sides of the borders.​


Too bad Ma'an couldn't add a link to this story from the day before:

Two Palestinians died in separate incidents in underground tunnels beneath the besieged Gaza Strip and Egypt on Thursday.
The al-Qassam Brigades, the military wing of the Hamas movement, said that a fighter in the group was killed during a military mission in Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip.
The brigades said in a statement that "Muhammad Talal Abu Matar, 25, from western Rafah was killed in a jihadi mission," without providing further details.
However, a spokesperson for the Gaza Ministry of Health said that Abu Matar was killed in an accident in one of the tunnels.
Also Thursday, a young Palestinian man died after being accidentally electrocuted inside a smuggling tunnel connecting Rafah to Egypt.
A spokesman for the Gaza Strip's civil defense forces, Muhammad al-Midana, identified the victim as 19-year-old Abd al-Majid Othman.​


And this one from a few days earlier:

Egyptian border guards on Sunday discovered a smuggling tunnel from Gaza which ran at least 2.5 kilometers underground.
Egyptian military officials told Ma'an that it was the longest tunnel ever discovered by Egyptian security forces.
The opening of the tunnel was found in an unpopulated area near Rafah. Large communication networks connected to satellites were found inside the tunnel.​


Ma'an knows that Hamas is lying, but it doesn't have the integrity - or the bravery - to prove it using its own reporting. Instead, when a terror group releases a statement, Ma'an acts as its mouthpiece, without caveats or context.

Just something to keep in mind when one uses Palestinian "independent" media as a news source.
 
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Monday, January 04, 2016
Hold the presses! An Arab girl tripped and fell! Jews to blame!

The most read story in English at Ma'an comes from last Tuesday, with the headline "7-year-old chased by notorious Israeli settler in Hebron."

A Palestinian father living in Hebron’s Old City told Ma’an that his 7-year-old daughter was injured while being chased by notorious Israeli extremist Baruch Marzel on Monday.

Raed Abu Irmeileh said that he had to take his daughter, Dana, to the Hebron Governmental Hospital “after she had fallen to the ground while being chased by Baruch Marzel near the Ibrahimi mosque.”

Irmeileh told Ma’an that Israeli forces present in the area did not stop Marzel from chasing his children, and assaulted his 10-year-old son Hutasem as well as two brothers Nabil, 14, and Farhat Nader al-Rajabi, 10.

An Israeli army spokesperson did not have immediate information on the incidents.​

Ma'an Arabic had a follow up on the horrible details of the story. Dana and her sister were shopping when Marzel allegedly screamed at them. Dana, frightened, ran away and tripped and fell. Her father Raed heard her screams and ran out of his house to see her on the ground, her lip bloodied, surrounded by Israeli soldiers and Marzel.

The father took the girl to an ambulance which whisked her to the hospital, where her injuries are detailed:

Dr. Khalil Pope, specialist in Ear Nose and Throat surgery, described the status of the girl child as moderate and said that the wound caused by the assault led to a simple cut between the her upper gum and upper lip. The area needs to be treated for a period of ten days and there should be follow-up visits for the next two months.​

The followup story does not mention anything about her brothers who were supposedly "assaulted" by Marzel.

If Marzel was chasing her, why didn't he do anything once he caught her?

So, here is what seems to have really happened: A girl fell down in Hebron and hurt her mouth. Soldiers and one Jew went over to see why she was screaming. Her father (or maybe she) made up a story about being chased by the scary Jew. The father, knowing that there are ambulances every few meters in Hebron just waiting to whisk away any injured Palestinian, grabs her and sends her to the hospital for an injury that school nurses handle thousands of times every day.

And this is an international incident because it happened in Hebron..

Here are Dana's injuries immediately after the incident:

Here is the girl getting lots of attention for the incident:


And here she is, several hours later, with her sister who witnessed the traumatic event but didn't run:


Ma'an isn't the only news outlet to cover this important story. Tanzim news agency also had an exclusive picture of the girl in the ambulance:

A Norwegian newspaper featured the article. Mondoweiss did, too.

Americans for Peace Now were so moved by this story that they published it in their daily news bulletin.

Now Dana has learned a lesson: If you hurt yourself, nothing fun happens. But if you blame Jews for getting a small cut, you get rewarded with international attention and newspaper articles written about you. Photographers ask you to pose for photos and you become famous.

This isn't a story about Jewish abuses in Hebron. It is a story about how anything that can be blamed on Jews will be magnified and distorted beyond recognition in pursuit of the narrative of Palestinian victimhood.
 
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Monday, February 15, 2016
The unwritten rule to always blame Israel in English


It is well known that most international reporters in Israel do not understand Hebrew or Arabic, and as a result most of them lazily copy stories from their favorite English-language local news sources - mostly Haaretz from the Israeli side and Ma'an from the Palestinian side.

Ma'an has a story in both English and Arabic about how Egypt opened up the Rafah border crossings over the weekend.

The English story mostly mirrors the Arabic one which was written first, although it adds some color:

Egyptian Authorities will extended the opening of Rafah crossing for a third day on Monday, the department of borders and crossings in Gaza Strip said.

Egyptian authorities exceptionally opened the crossing Saturday, after 70 consecutive days of closure.

This is the first time Egyptian authorities opened the crossing this year, a rare move given that Egypt has upheld an for the majority of the past three years an Israeli military blockade on the Gaza Strip.

On Sunday, Gaza’s Ministry of Interior spokesman Iyad al-Bazam urged Egypt to extend the opening of the Rafah crossing for a few more days to ease the crisis in Gaza, where more than 25,000 people with urgent needs -- including around 3,500 medical cases -- are registered and waiting to cross.

The ministry said that more than 700 Palestinians were allowed to go through the Rafah crossing on Saturday, and more than 700 others were allowed to come in from Egypt, after being stuck in the country for more than 70 days since the last time the crossing was opened.​

Ma'an English added the highlighted part above, tying the Egyptian closure to Gaza with Israel, even though Israel has nothing to do with it.

And it then adds, again in English:

The nine-year Israeli blockade has plunged the Gaza Strip’s more than 1.8 million Palestinians into poverty. The destruction from three Israeli offensives over the past six years and slow reconstruction due to the blockade led the UN in September to warn that Gaza could be “uninhabitable” by 2020.​

Ma'an knows that its audience is Westerners, and especially Western reporters. So in English it makes sure to somehow tie Egypt's decision to severely limit Gazan travel and trade to Israel.

Gazans know the truth and they rgularly and bitterly complain about Egypt's treatment of them. But that is muted in English reporting because the meme of Israeli "occupation" and control of Gaza is paramount, and must be emphasized every time Egypt and Gaza are mentioned.

And this propaganda method happens to work quite well. Sure enough, UPI's story about the Rafah crossings adds this:

Gaza is home to about 1.8 million Palestinians blocked from leaving the region due to strict blockades by Israel.

The implication is what the Arabs want the world to believe: that Israel makes the decision and Egypt implements it. Yet it is Egypt that controls that border and Egypt that is blocking Gazans from leaving the region.

There was one other fact about this weekend's opening of Rafah that the Western media didn't mention because it also contradicts the meme of Israeli control. Al Ahram, which is an Egyptian site and therefore not monitored by Western reporters in Israel, mentions "Twenty-four trucks transporting 2,265 tonnes of cement needed for Gaza’s reconstruction crossed the border from Egypt on Saturday."

Really? So Egypt can be a source of construction material for Gaza as well? Is Israel somehow responsible for aid coming from Egypt too? Why won't the Western media say that Egypt can provide building materials to Gaza - and decides not to except for these exceptional and symbolic occasions?

But Western media would have to upend their meme about pure Israeli control of Gaza.. Ma'an won't mention it, so why should Reuters or AP?
 
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