Pakistan and Indias official psyche
A leading Indian journalist writing in an influential Indian news magazine has asked the Indian government to soften its policy towards Pakistan in view of significant changes taking place in Pakistan. He was encouraged to make his recommendation after recently visiting Pakistan and witnessing the freedom with which Pakistanis were now analysing their countrys foreign policy in general and the equation with India in particular. His concluding remark in the article was: This is the moment for India to make major, generous overtures to Pakistan and help consolidate its democratisation and demilitarisation. India can earn tremendous popular goodwill by unilaterally lifting trade barriers and liberalising visas. This will not hurt our economy, but will work in Indias long-term interest. Similarly, India should tell Pakistan that it is prepared to negotiate a gradual demilitarisation of the border: grand reconciliation is not mere rhetoric.
Pakistan has been forced to become introverted by its domestic turmoil and by the weakening of the militaristic view of its relations with India. Now the real threat, it is agreed on all hands, is not external and from India, but from inside, and from non-state elements challenging the writ of the state. This phase of opinion is not a passing one but is based on a permanent shift of opinion about military rule and military interference that Pakistans revisionist rivalry with India brings about. In the past, the India-centric policy was bought in Punjab alone, while the other provinces had cooled off; today there is a national consensus on normalisation of relations with India. Indeed, the only policy of President Musharraf that was supported by the general public in Pakistan was his peace-with-India policy. The jihadi organisations set up by the state in the past were greatly disappointed but could do little more than attempt to kill him in the face of the national consensus on normalisation. But as the consensus became strong, the doctrinal stand on Kashmir also slid to the background, with a surprisingly positive response from the two sides of Kashmir. After that, the jihadis have joined forces with the Taliban and other Al Qaeda elements and now confront the Pakistan army in the Tribal Areas.
Consequently, the two mainstream parties in coalition in Pakistan, the PPP and the PMLN, together with a number of parties in the Movement for Restoration of Democracy (MRD), decided to state their intent of normalising relations with India in 2006 in what is known today as the Charter of Democracy. The linkage with democracy is significant because the Charter clearly traces all reversals of democracy in Pakistan to the armys supremacy and its insistence on an adversarial relationship with India. Since the signing of the Charter, leaders of both the parties have separately indicated the extent of normalisation they would like to pursue with India.
The PPP has always been condemned by the militarists in Pakistan as a security risk because of its policy of seeking normal relations with India. But the PMLN, once wedded to this view, now stands completely disenchanted, and its leader Mr Nawaz Sharif is even more frank in recommending a paradigm shift in Pakistans relations with India. Mr Sharif was greatly politically damaged by the Kargil Operation of 1999, which he insists he never okayed as prime minister. His offer to abolish the visa regime with India and seek stronger trade ties with India is now on record and indicates how far the PPP-PMLN coalition is ready to go in calling off Pakistans India-centric strategy.
Indian analysts are on record on why the Indian government is not able to take the big decisions which are clearly in Indias favour. One reason is the almost permanent devolution or regionalisation of electoral power in India which delivers a dispersed writ of governance looking very much like the one prevalent under proportional representation in Europe. The Indian governments failure to finalise its nuclear deal with the United States is one example of this weakness. The other example is the delay in reformulating the Lok Sabha consensus on policy on Pakistan. The obstacle comes into view every time there is a bomb explosion in India and the unofficial consensus calls it Pakistan-inspired.
The other obstacle is present on both sides, and that is the bureaucracy, which sits on top of a mountain of files representing the negative jurisprudence of the bilateral past. Insistence on reciprocity, as against unilateral action based on national benefit, is the trip-wire on which the politicians trying to normalise are sent sprawling. But bureaucracies always follow meekly in the wake of big acts of statesmanship, and if India is to put an end to the dangerous Indo-Pak imbroglio, it must listen to the advice of its senior journalists. There are other crises in the offing, like disputes over river waters, that are ready to fill the Kashmir dispute vacuum. *
Daily Times - Leading News Resource of Pakistan