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Experts have calculated three major reasons or motives why nations undertake efforts, at times even at the cost of enormous hardships, to acquire nuclear weapons. Foremost aim is to increase power base to improve country’s security in the wake of evolving disproportionate insecurity in their own region, best examples could be Pakistan, Iran and North Korea. If Serbia, Libya, Iraq, Egypt or Syria and even Afghanistan had possessed nuclear weapons the more powerful US/Nato perhaps would never have intervened. Secondly it is a country’s aspiration for greater international stature; India and Israel are perfect examples in the contemporary geopolitical arena. Lastly the most important intention is political benefits that come with the nuclear status since a country would hardly to fear any sort of sanctions or violent interventions in case of even gross misconduct. This apparently last raison d’être (belief) yet again fits to the objective of both Israel and India that have time and again violated international norms particularly linked to nuclear protocols besides many other issues connected to human rights, but are hardly disturbed the powers at the helm of affairs and nuclear watch dogs because of convergence of specific interests.
In post 9/11 scenario, while India had a long history of strategic alliance with Soviet Union, the US President Clinton presuming India to be an important rising power, initiated a sustained strategic dialogue with them amid a historic realignment of the US interests in South Asia, mainly focusing Pakistan and Afghanistan. The dialogue between Strobe Talbott, the US deputy secretary of State and Jaswant Singh, India’s then foreign minister met nearly one dozen times in the years following the Indian nuclear tests in 1998. As time has shown, these numerous rounds of bilateral meetings enabled Indian governments to devise a new foreign policy for India that discarded the Non-Aligned Movement and embraced strategic relationship with America partially disengaging its decades long strategic links with already fractured Russia. This new relationship began to take shape with the former president Clinton’s extended visit to India in March 2000 whereby the US president also spared four hours to grace Pakistan.
After the events of 11th September, 2001, the US presented Pakistan with a clear ultimatum as America unfolded its war plans for Afghanistan, Pakistan would either be with the America or against it. Pakistan had to realign its Afghan policy to provide wide-reaching assistance to portion of Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan that began on 7th October 2001. It is important to mention that Pakistan offered unprecedented access to America, including to ports and airfields, ground lines of control (GLOC) and air space besides assisting in the capture of numerous high-value al-Qaeda operatives.
Mushrooming relations between the USA and India reveling different kinds by any definition would affect relations within the regional and neighbouring countries especially Pakistan, Iran, China and Russia in foreseeable future. Since 2001, America vigorously pursued the policy of promoting better US-Indian defence ties, which led to a US interagency process of concluding that America formally removed the Glenn-Symington Amendment sanctions imposed upon India in response to its nuclear tests. The same process though symbolically addressed but terminated agreements against Pakistan which was burdened by layers of sanctions, including Pressler Amendment and sanctions pertaining to violations of the Missile Technology Control Regime as well as military takeover of 1999. In later years USA and its allies like Australia traded civil nuclear facilities to India in line with the role envisaged for it in Afghanistan and to compensate for easing the redundant sanctions on Pakistan.
To make matters worse, under the US/Nato security umbrella, India has been able to expand its presence throughout Afghanistan’s Pashtun belt along the south and east the territories which are most sensitive for Pakistan. It would be impossible for any decision-maker in Islamabad not to understand that Pakistan’s strategic interest has been seriously undermined by the move and ‘Global War On Terror’ despite the handsome rewards from America and its allies for supporting the effort. By now it is almost crystal clear that the emerging order in Afghanistan would welcome India’s expanding presence posing a sustained threat to Pakistan. Unfortunately over the period USA has vigorously encouraged Indian involvement in Afghanistan without regard to Pakistan’s genuine concerns of what India is actually doing apart from its stated activities.
As the US evacuations will continue, India with the support of Israel is almost preparing to provide umbrella to the kinetic counter-terrorism operations in Afghanistan primarily with an objective to limit the possibility of unconventional war in the presence of already degraded conventional capacity of Pakistan. The daunting role given to over ambitious India by US, which failed to hold the citadel, will prove equally disastrous as India faces greater security issues inside its own territory (recent discovery of sophisticated bomb-making factory unit in Maharashtra’s Kolhapur district). Consequently, it will shatter the ambition of becoming a legitimate regional power, much less a global power.
In such an environment, a critical evaluation of the American relationship with India vis-a-vis decades long engagement with Pakistan particularly after 9/11, reveals that the US plan both in the event of success or failure was focused on ditching nuclear Pakistan to strengthen India in order to eliminate potential threat to Israel. Pakistan, for its part, must oppose India’s engagement at all costs. Pakistan’s focus no longer should center only on the dispute over Kashmir’s disposition. Pakistan now has to resist Indian claims of hegemony in South Asia. As Afghanistan is a key theater for Indian influence, Pakistan should not abandon its mission based on ethical stance. Pakistan must exhibit a greater determination to influence events in Afghanistan than the US or its proxies. Pakistan has natural ability not to relent until it achieves political disposition that minimises India’s or for that matter Israel’s. This can only happen if all the vital organs of Pakistan endeavour to make a whole in one approach towards the plethora of strategic issues.
Nuclear Pakistan’s prospective competency - thenews.com.pk
In post 9/11 scenario, while India had a long history of strategic alliance with Soviet Union, the US President Clinton presuming India to be an important rising power, initiated a sustained strategic dialogue with them amid a historic realignment of the US interests in South Asia, mainly focusing Pakistan and Afghanistan. The dialogue between Strobe Talbott, the US deputy secretary of State and Jaswant Singh, India’s then foreign minister met nearly one dozen times in the years following the Indian nuclear tests in 1998. As time has shown, these numerous rounds of bilateral meetings enabled Indian governments to devise a new foreign policy for India that discarded the Non-Aligned Movement and embraced strategic relationship with America partially disengaging its decades long strategic links with already fractured Russia. This new relationship began to take shape with the former president Clinton’s extended visit to India in March 2000 whereby the US president also spared four hours to grace Pakistan.
After the events of 11th September, 2001, the US presented Pakistan with a clear ultimatum as America unfolded its war plans for Afghanistan, Pakistan would either be with the America or against it. Pakistan had to realign its Afghan policy to provide wide-reaching assistance to portion of Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan that began on 7th October 2001. It is important to mention that Pakistan offered unprecedented access to America, including to ports and airfields, ground lines of control (GLOC) and air space besides assisting in the capture of numerous high-value al-Qaeda operatives.
Mushrooming relations between the USA and India reveling different kinds by any definition would affect relations within the regional and neighbouring countries especially Pakistan, Iran, China and Russia in foreseeable future. Since 2001, America vigorously pursued the policy of promoting better US-Indian defence ties, which led to a US interagency process of concluding that America formally removed the Glenn-Symington Amendment sanctions imposed upon India in response to its nuclear tests. The same process though symbolically addressed but terminated agreements against Pakistan which was burdened by layers of sanctions, including Pressler Amendment and sanctions pertaining to violations of the Missile Technology Control Regime as well as military takeover of 1999. In later years USA and its allies like Australia traded civil nuclear facilities to India in line with the role envisaged for it in Afghanistan and to compensate for easing the redundant sanctions on Pakistan.
To make matters worse, under the US/Nato security umbrella, India has been able to expand its presence throughout Afghanistan’s Pashtun belt along the south and east the territories which are most sensitive for Pakistan. It would be impossible for any decision-maker in Islamabad not to understand that Pakistan’s strategic interest has been seriously undermined by the move and ‘Global War On Terror’ despite the handsome rewards from America and its allies for supporting the effort. By now it is almost crystal clear that the emerging order in Afghanistan would welcome India’s expanding presence posing a sustained threat to Pakistan. Unfortunately over the period USA has vigorously encouraged Indian involvement in Afghanistan without regard to Pakistan’s genuine concerns of what India is actually doing apart from its stated activities.
As the US evacuations will continue, India with the support of Israel is almost preparing to provide umbrella to the kinetic counter-terrorism operations in Afghanistan primarily with an objective to limit the possibility of unconventional war in the presence of already degraded conventional capacity of Pakistan. The daunting role given to over ambitious India by US, which failed to hold the citadel, will prove equally disastrous as India faces greater security issues inside its own territory (recent discovery of sophisticated bomb-making factory unit in Maharashtra’s Kolhapur district). Consequently, it will shatter the ambition of becoming a legitimate regional power, much less a global power.
In such an environment, a critical evaluation of the American relationship with India vis-a-vis decades long engagement with Pakistan particularly after 9/11, reveals that the US plan both in the event of success or failure was focused on ditching nuclear Pakistan to strengthen India in order to eliminate potential threat to Israel. Pakistan, for its part, must oppose India’s engagement at all costs. Pakistan’s focus no longer should center only on the dispute over Kashmir’s disposition. Pakistan now has to resist Indian claims of hegemony in South Asia. As Afghanistan is a key theater for Indian influence, Pakistan should not abandon its mission based on ethical stance. Pakistan must exhibit a greater determination to influence events in Afghanistan than the US or its proxies. Pakistan has natural ability not to relent until it achieves political disposition that minimises India’s or for that matter Israel’s. This can only happen if all the vital organs of Pakistan endeavour to make a whole in one approach towards the plethora of strategic issues.
Nuclear Pakistan’s prospective competency - thenews.com.pk
