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Nomadic and Settled Peoples in Steppe Landscapes and within Statehood: SFB 586 · Differenz und Integration

NOMADIC AND SETTLED PEOPLES IN STEPPE LANDSCAPES AND WITHIN STATEHOOD
HISTORY AND THE CONTEMPORARY IN SFB (COLLABORATIVE RESEARCH CENTRE) 586
by Stefan Leder (translated by Fergal Lenehan), in: Scientia Halensis 1/05, p. 19–22.
Nomads have been a distinct element within and carriers of civilizations within the old world dry belts for thousands of years, from Morocco in the west to northern China in the east. They have, however, not always been perceived as such. Academics have only learned within the past few decades to view nomads not as a separate societal phenomenon, or as a fascinating particular form of human lifestyle, but, rather, to perceive them as an intertwined, broad societal structure.

Thus, the importance of nomads is now seen in a new light. Within the wide expanse of history nomadic peoples – also, indeed, not necessarily small in number - have formed their own distinct forms of lifestyle, yet also remained in close contact with settled societies and have helped to mould institutions, social structures and moral concepts.

Nomadic mobility has also shaped nomadic life styles and living forms. Continuous cyclical wandering, usually in tribal or familial groupings, has helped to create spatial and cultural distance to settled communities. This is to be observed within the Roma and other traveling peoples in Europe. Economic practices, social organization, laws, norms, language and the material culture of nomads have, usually, distinguished them greatly from their social surroundings.


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Nomadic camp in Oussikis, Morocco. Although the nomads apparently still engage in “traditional” agriculture, they are also, however, integrated in national and international labour and consumer markets. Whole families are employed as labour migrants in Moroccan cities and in Europe, while the barley for their animals comes chiefly from the U.S.A.
(Photo: Ingo Breuer, Project A 4.)

A lot of factors would suggest that the mobile use of natural pastures does, indeed, have a future. Long distance and wandering pastoral agriculture is still practiced, under very difficult conditions, in arid areas and in the tundra, usually in a motorized form. In some places this form of agriculture has even displayed levels of growth. Ecologically suitable, mobile pastoral agriculture by state supervised nomads even appears to national and international agencies as a meaningful option for regional development. However, traditional habits, local conflicts of interests and historically developed negative stereotypes still have to be ‘toned down’ and overcome.


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Fragment of a stela, consecrated by a former nomadic Amorite for the welfare of Hammurabi (18th cent. B.C.)

The cooperation between specialists for ancient epochs with empirically oriented social scientists is indeed a challenge, as evident changes and discontinuities in history, in relation to understanding and comparisons, are also included. As always in such research the work includes a multiplicity of perspectives and approaches, from which a complete picture will emerge.


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The ruins of the medieval castle of Tadmur (Palmyra), Syria.
(Photo: Dr. Kurt Franz, Project B 1)

Shepard societies, who lived near towns in temporary settlements, existed in conjunction with settled communities from a very early period, as the archives of the city state of Mari on the Euphrates (19th/18th centuries B.C.) can prove, going into quite minute detail. Here one can follow how the attempts by the state to control and tax nomadic groupings had to be balanced out with the attempts of the nomads to flee state control and establish links to the outside world.


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A Shepard boy in western Mongolia.
Photo: Uta Schilling , Project E 6

The consequences of nomadism may also be seen in alternative world-views and approaches to life. As descriptions of the beauty of nomadic life, in the Arabic context present already in late antiquity, make evident, the differences between nomadic and settled lifestyles stimulate the creation of concepts, in which the symbolic representation of nomads can facilitate the offering of collectively influential points of identification. These images and imaginings have resulted in their own, in the Arab context longstanding, consequences.


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Reindeer nomads during migration to the Yamal Peninsula, Western Siberia.
(Photo: Dr. Florian Stammler, Project B 6)

Nomadic and settled communities maintained in history an entangled relationship, in which aspects of societal difference and lines of conflict with integrative changes, from both sides, intermingled. If these relationships, which are still extremely relevant for contemporary times, can be systematically examined, then a new foundation for our understanding of the history and society of large parts of Africa and Asia can be laid.
 
iranian.com: Khodadad Rezakhani, Nomad-Sedentary Relations and Pre-Islamic Arabs: Biases in Historical Enquiry

Biases in historical enquiry Nomad-sedentary relations and pre-Islamic Arabs

January 29, 2007
iranian.com
It is interesting that people like Mr. Nooriala [see: "Biyaabaangardaan chegooneh pirooz mishavand?"] are making the effort to research and find new explanations for the age old question of “Why did the mighty Sasanian Empire fall to the Arab Armies?”. The attempt to break the already established paradigms (such as “Eslaamiyun” explanations that he seems to have set up to refute) are also much appreciated. However, the whole argument suffers from fallacies in using secondary sources and sweeping disregard for primary ones, and starting the argument from a defensive position, in effect asking for refutation.

However, these are not the reasons I have decided to write these few lines. The matter of the fall of the Sasanian Empire is not a simple one and surely cannot be answered by short essays and spiteful commentaries. Much like the “Fall of the Roman Empire” on which Mr. Nooriala bases his argument, the fall of the Sasanian Empire has tens of explanations, and unlike what he presents, the most accepted version is not the Eslamiyn version, in “preparation and falsification for 1400 years”.

Mr. Nooriala’s use of Gibbon’s old arguments (now, although respected, thoroughly dismissed in its own field) is, incidentally, the heart of his fallacy. While the whole “barbarian” invasion theory has now been dismissed by scholars, Mr. Nooriala manages to use it as the basis of his version of the fall of the Sasanian Empire, and this seems to have shadowed much of the understanding of the events as well. How much the fall of the Sasanians should be regarded as a fall of Iran, and how much of it was the issue of a foreign invasion can be, and has been, disputed, but what is of note here is the methods used to further the already established assumptions, those much deeper than whether Iranians accepted Islam with open arms or not.

As such, the most problematic part of Mr. Nooriala’s argument is not how he uses Gibbon’s work or how he dismisses the Eslamiyun explanation, rather how he supposes the “Desert Nomad” (i.e. the pre-Islamic Arab) society to have been. To paraphrase him, these Arabs have been “beduin and with a rough culture”, and thus thoroughly unfit for invading and overthrowing the mighty Sasanids. So, how did this happen?

The image of the ‘beduin, uncultured, ignorant Arab’ (often accompanied by ‘lizard-eater’ adjective) is a familiar one. Iranians have long been dismissive of their Arab neighbours in this manner, counting them for dirt. In fact, this is not surprising and even defensible, considering the difference in modes of life between the two; what is surprising is how en par this narrative is with Islamic Arabia’s own account of its pre-Islamic life. But before we embark upon that, allow me to justify the title of this essay.

Nomads are often described as primitive, savage, unreliable, cruel, and wild. The usual image of the nomad comes from the Huns, Mongols, and Turks (all alluded to by Mr. Nooriala). ‘They come, they invade, they pillage, they kill, they carry off, and they leave’ (to liberally paraphrase the famous Persian description of the Mongol invasion). They do not know anything of culture, religion, commerce, agriculture, schooling, and in short, ‘civilisation’. Indeed, the word ‘civilisation’ itself hints at how estranged nomads are from it: civilisation is from Latin civitas ‘city’. The nomad has no city, and thus no civilisation. For the nomad to be civilized, he needs to settle down and learn the culture and the way of life of the settled people. This is the mentality behind the futile, and sometimes disastrous, efforts to prevent the modern nomads of Iran from undertaking their seasonal migration and to forcefully settle them. This is, in short, a sedentary bias against the nomad. The feeling of uncertainty and insecurity that the settled agriculturalist gets from the nomad makes the farmer despise the moving herdsman. The settled government also does not like the nomad: you can tax the farmer, but not the nomad.

Now, to return to the issue of Arabs and their meagre, desert life, we should see how this sedentary bias might have blurred our vision and prevented us from seeing yet another possible solution to the paradox of the fall of the Sasanians to the Arab invaders. The usual Iranian narrative is that the Arabs were desert dwelling, nomadic, and uncultured barbarians who poured over the borders of the Sasanian Empire and conquered it in a short period of time. These Arabs were unfamiliar with civilisation (see above) and thus were completely reliant on the remnants of the Sasanian administration to guarantee their continued rule over the conquered territories. In the process, they also managed to force their religion on the population of the country.

At the root of this narrative lies the assumption that Arabs before their invasion of Iran, and certainly before Islam provided them with some sort of organization, were a collection of scattered, unruly, ignorant, and thoroughly uncivilized tribes. They certainly knew nothing of government and unity and collective efforts. They aimlessly fought among themselves and never developed any institutions necessary for guaranteeing a lasting government. In short, they were unworthy for what they achieved, and what they did achieve was not theirs since they could not have achieved those in their primitive state.

It is surprising how close this narrative is to the Islamic narrative of its own history. In the Islamic version, Arabs before Islam were a collection of scattered, constantly feuding tribes with no culture or sense of unity or morals. The period was one of Jahiliyya (ignorance), when Arabs believed in many gods (a sign of their lack of unity) and fought among each other and killed their daughters. Then, with the arrival of Islam, a strong set of morals was imposed upon this scattered group which formed them into a coherent society and unleashed its power. Now, the prophet of Islam could write letters to the Emperor of Iran and Caesar of Rome and ask for submission, and if they did not comply, the Muslim armies, armed with a new faith and a monotheistic god, would go and punish them. In short, the wild, savage, nomadic Arab was formed into a united, moral, powerful group under the influence of Islam. In this narrative, who could say that Islam was not a great religion and certainly the greatest thing that happened to the Arabs? Who could dismiss Islam’s influence and the faith and zeal and hard-work of its founders?

The striking thing is how both of the above narratives are built upon an assumption that pre-Islamic Arabs were indeed primitive, ever-feuding, and disorganized, that they did not know anything of culture or government and were a threat both to themselves and those around them. Notice how both Sasanian Iran and the subsequent Islamic society are essentially urbanized, settled societies, and how their narrative of the pre-Islamic Arab is close to the aforementioned sedentary biases against the nomads.

As any scholar of the field would tell you now, much like other biases, these biases against the nomads are often quite misplaced. Nomads do have a quite complicated social structure, sense of unity, loyalty, alliance, and conflict. They do nurture cultural elements such as high poetry and often have quite a complicated belief system. Most of the now romanticized lore of ‘Ancient Aryans’ depicted in the RgVeda or the Gathas of Zarathushtra are products of a nomadic society. The famous works of gold included in the “Oxus Treasure” were created by nomadic, Scythian, gold-smiths. Feud, considered a menace to the sedentary man and a loss of much needed human labour for agriculture, was actually an important self-check mechanism in the nomadic society and a guarantee for long-term peace. In short, the nomadic life was seldom as wild and disorganized and futile as what is depicted in the lore of the settled folk.
This was also the case for much of pre-Islamic Arabs. Unlike the convenient picture presented both by later Iranian and Islamic sources of the life during the “Jahiliyya”, the nomads were not as menacing. They had a complicated system of alliances and federations. They entered into various treaties and contracts with the powers around them. In both the Sasanian and Byzantine territories, nomadic and settled Arabs boasted a long history, often as clients of these two powers and at least in the case of Mesopotamia and Syria, well woven into the fabric of the society. Cities of Hira and Hatra were major centres of Arab population, the former a capital of the Sasanian client state of the Lakhmids. In Mesopotamia and Syria, Arabs were not new comers and even those from outside the immediate borders of Iran and Byzantium could claim a presence: Abu Sufyan, the famous Meccan merchant of the early Islamic history, owned a garden outside Damascus 20 years before the advent of Islam!

Inside Arabia itself, the situation was also different than what we have often been led to believe. Other than the nomadic society discussed before, they were many settled Arabs in Arabia. The late Sasanian state claimed Bahrayn (the north and eastern coast of the Arabian Peninsula, not just the modern-day island country) as one of its provinces. The population of this region was predominantly Arab, living alongside migrant populations from Khuzistan, Fars, and Kerman and undertaking agriculture, mining, and trade. Mecca, Yathrab, and Ta’if were settled semi-agricultural and semi-commercial centres. Southern Arabia and Yemen had always been continuously settled by various states from the Sabaeans and Himyarites to the Ethiopians of Abraha and then the Sasanians who took it over in the early seventh century. This means that other than the population of Northern Arabia and those living on the margins of the settled areas, much of the “Arab” population was actually settled and often closely tied to the great states of its time.

So, not being any closer to figuring out the actual cause for the defeat of the Sasanian state, we have at least corrected a myopic view of who and what an Arab was. One can argue against other parts of Mr. Nooriala’s article, for example answering the question of “where was the Sasanian army?” with: “standing armies are a creation of 16th century gun-powder empires. Pre-Modern states seldom had standing armies and fighting military forces were often peasant-farmers recruited from the population in the times of need”. However, these are the issues to be dealt with separately and it only suffice here to say that by taking our biases and trying to use them as a point of departure, we will not be any closer to solving the problem of a historical paradox. Instead of providing a real solution, we will only manage to add another jam to the pile of already confusing problems.Comment

AboutKhodadad Rezakhani is a PhD student in History at UCLA. Visit his website, Vishistorica.com.

Some suggestions for further readingByock, Jesse L. Feud in the Icelandic Saga, University of California Press, 1993

Daryaee, Touraj, Soqute Sasanian, Tehran, Nashr-e Tarikh-e Iran, 2005

Dennett, D. Conversion and the Poll-Tax in Early Islam, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1950

Fowden, Garth. Empire to commonwealth: consequences of monotheism in late antiquity, Princeton, N.J. : Princeton University Press, 1993

Hodgson, Marshall G. S. The venture of Islam : conscience and history in a world civilization, Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1974.

Hoyland, Robert, Arabia and the Arabs: from the Bronze Age to the coming of

Islam, London; New York: Routledge, 2001

Khazanov, Anatoly M. 2001: ‘Nomads in the History of the Sedentary World.’ In

A.M. Khazanov and A. Wink (eds.) Nomads in the Sedentary World. Richmond,

Surrey: Curzon Press, pp. 1 – 23.

Mohammadi Malayeri, Mohammad. Tarikh o Farhang-e Iran da Doran-e Enteghal az Asr-e Sasani beh Asr-e Eslami, Yazdan, Tehran, 1372/1993.

Morony, Michael, Iraq After the Muslim Conquest, Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 1984

_______, “The Late Sasanian Economic Impact on the Arabian Peninsula” in Name-ye Iran-e Bastan,vol. I, No. 2, 2001/2002

Ward-Perkins, Bryan. The fall of Rome and the end of civilization, Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 2005

Biased material similar to the one described above:
http://alineshat.org/PDF/Arabs(2).pdf

Arabs invaded Persia before 1400 years and stole Sassanians' great civilization:

Recognizing, that Arabs are nomad peoples had no civilization and came from desert
of the Saudi Arabia carrying the Islam as a new religion to spread it by sword and
force to world's civilizations that were ruling at that time, such as a Byzantine and
Persian civilization. Arabs were uncivilized and uncultured nation came from desert
to steal other peoples cultures and force these peoples to convert to Islam by sword as
they did when they destroyed and usurped property of Sassanid Empire of Persia
before 1400 years ago. Unlike the ancient known civilizations that were predominated
at that time, those conquerors Arabs had no civilization like these advanced
civilizations, but Arabs Muslims destroyed greatest empire was ruling at that time
which is Persian Sassanid Empire, and stole their civilization's heritage (represented
with different kinds of Architecture, Arts and other sciences) saying to the world that
civilization, they stole from Sassanians, is Islamic civilization, and giving the right to
themselves to become heirs to heritage of Great Sassanid Empire after they destroyed
that Great Empire and forced its peoples to giving up their original Zoroastrian
religion and converting to Islam where those Arabs conquerors destroyed holy shrines
and temples for Zoroastrians and turned some of them into mosques prohibiting the
Zoroastrian worship, and using uglier coercive means against them in order for to
leave their ancient original religion and convert to Islam.

Conquerors Arabs didn't only destroyed Sassanians' great empire and usurped its
property, but they captured of Persian women as booty resulted from that conquest at
the time and abused them making them sex-slaves were sold and bought among
Arabic states at the time where that period of Persia conquest has seen of filling
palaces of Arabs Caliphs, governors and riches with Persian women whom were
forced by their conquerors to be used as sex-slaves in palaces of those caliphs or
riches to satisfying their base desires.

Many attempts have been performed by Arabs Muslim caliphs and governors during
that period which followed Persia conquest to Arabization Persians and eradicating
their language, culture and traditions taken from their ancient Zoroastrian religion and
more prominent that attempts are that were performed by caliphs of the Islamic
Ummayad dynasty who tried to make an Arabic as a main language for conquered
Persia by force and they also transferred thousands of Arabic families from Arabic
peninsula to be resettled in Iranian conquered newly territories, but these policies,
Islamic Ummayad caliphs acted, have been met with a big resistance and rejection by
great Persian people whom failed these policies. That those Arabs caliphs and
governors weren't realize well that it is impossible and difficult for them to eradicate
the traditions and cultural characteristics for people have ancient and great civilization
rooted deeply in the history like great Iranian people. These attempts of those Arab
caliphs and governors couldn't Arabize Persians or eradicate their national language
and culture, but Persian people and their ancient civilization are who could finally to
persianize Arabic families or tribes that were resettled in Persia after the Islamic
conquest. Instead, these Arabic tribes or families forgot their Arabic language and
traditions and acquired a language, customs and traditions of native people these
Arabic families or tribes lived alongside for many centuries.

But unlike what those Arabs caliphs and governors wanted for Persian people, so
ancient traditions and customs of genuine Persian people taken from their ancient Sassanid civilization are that prevailed eventually Arabs and their Islamic religion and
dyed that religion with stamp or impress of that ancient civilization of Sassanians.
History recorded us that Persians are who influenced Arabs and Islam with their noble
customs and traditions and language that enriched the Islam with everything is
advanced and civilized and made it urbanized religion took a lot of his features from
Sassanians' great civilization although Islamic religion is religion coming from desert
environment and was influenced largely with that hard environment.

Sassanid civilization, which its heritage was stolen by Arabs after Islamic conquest,
influenced greatly Islamic architecture of Islamic mosques and buildings that were
taken most their architectural designs from Sassanian's old buildings and their holy
Zoroastrian temples. Arabs caliphs adopted many Sassanid administrative practices,
such as collecting taxes system, coinage, etc. caliphs of the Islamic Arabic Abassid
dynasty adopted noticeably their administration system of state affairs from
Sassanians in addition, that they adopted Sassanid dress court and ceremony. Persians
didn't only influence Arabs and the Islam with their great civilization, but a lot of
Persian scientists emerged during a time of Abassid dynasty's rule of Islamic empire
and contributed greatly in enriching intellectual sciences with their valuable scientific
books and works that pioneered to modern intellectual sciences that are studied now
in advanced universities throughout our world.

Arabs considered most arts, they acquired from cultures of nations they conquered,
are Islamic arts taken from their civilization's Islamic heritage that's why, that a lot of
people nowadays have misconception about the origin of arts and architecture for
Islamic mosques and buildings considering these arts and architecture are of Islamic
origin and were created by Arabs. Arabs inspired a lot of architectural styles and
designs of their mosques from Sassanians Zoroastrians' temples in addition, that they
turned many these temples after Persia conquest into mosques, but nevertheless, many
historians Arabs ignored the big role of Sassanid civilization in enriching their Islamic
civilization.
Arabs didn't admit in grace of civilizations and cultures of other peoples such as
Byzantine and Sassanid civilization in enriching their civilization.

Sincerely Yours,
Hussein
Correspondent from Iraq
 
Last edited:
History of Central Asia - an Overview - All Empires

History of Central Asia - an Overview

By Invictus, January 2006; Revised
Category: Steppes and Central Asia

Introduction
Characteristics of Central Asian Civilization


The steppes of Inner Asia are vast landscapes abundant in grassland. On these lands, animal herding and domestication became the prevalent way of life. Pastoralism contrasted with the concept of agricultural civilization, such as those of the river valleys regions where permanent, sedentary settlements developed. Instead, the steppes fostered a nomadic lifestyle. Political boundaries were ever-changing and migrations due to power shifts were a reoccurring event on the steppes. However, the destinations of migrating nomadic tribes were not limited to other regions of the steppes; many entered agricultural lands and adopted the lifestyles of sedentary civilization. Thus, the “southern” parts of Central Asia are noted for the presence of sedentary kingdoms, many of which were founded by nomadic conquerors. The invasions and migrations of nomads were an important force in history that greatly affected all parts of Eurasia.

Nomadic states on the steppes relied purely on the skill of their leaders, a quality difficult to consistently maintain. Without strong leadership, these states were usually unstable due to their loose infrastructures and the scarcity of permanent cities. So dynamic were the steppes that vast empires could rise and fall within a generation. However, in their competition against sedentary empires, the lack of internal stability was counterbalanced by ferocity in war. The harshness of life on the steppes made nomads expert warriors and the nomadic lifestyle made them unmatched horsemen. When a strong leader was indeed present, nomadic groups were exceedingly powerful in war. Their prowess in warfare could not be suppressed until the advent of firearms.

As mentioned earlier, nomadic conquerors often forged kingdoms after successful conquests into agricultural lands. The nomadic ruling class of these kingdoms usually adopted the original culture of the conquered region, especially its technologies and agricultural of life.


Influence and Legacy of Central Asian Civilization

The military conquests and migrations of Nomadic peoples were a significant force in history. In the Classical Era (500 BCE -500 CE), groups like the Xiong Nu and theHuns waged destructive wars against China and Rome. The movement of Huns into Europe caused even more migrations of barbarian tribes against Rome. The rise of the Xiong Nu forced the migration of Tocharians, who moved westward and created the Kushan Empire. The Kushan Empire, along with the Parthian Empire, was also an example of agricultural states of nomadic origin. In the classical period, these two particular empires were significant powers and important empires of the Silk Road between China and Rome.

In the Post-Classical Era (500 CE – 1500 CE), the trend of nomadic “border warfare” continued. The Turks warred against China and Europe saw renewed invasion from the steppes. However, migration and settlement in agricultural land became increasingly more significant. Turkic groups later known as the Seljuks migrated into the Middle East, where they played an important role in Islamic civilization. The migration of the Turks into Asia Minor also established the early foundations of the future Ottoman Empire. In the 13th century, the Mongols conquered nearly all of Asia, becoming the ultimate example of nomadic influence on agricultural civilization. Being the first to control significant regions of both outer and inner Asia, the Mongols brought Asia into economic integration by reviving the Silk Road. With nearly all of Asia under Mongol rule, the political state of the continent changed dramatically.
In the Modern Era (1500 CE onward), nomadic civilization slowly faded from being a driving force in history. As firearms developed, nomadic horsemen lost the military prowess that brought them great power. The Mongol states established in the 13th century had almost all disappeared. But even though nomadic powers faded away, many powerful states such as the Mughal, Qing, and Ottoman Empires, all had ruling families whose origins trace back to the steppes.

Culturally, nomadic left a strong impression on the records of their neighboring civilization. The legendary horsemanship of the steppes became the basis of mythological stories such as the centaurs. Likewise, the same horsemanship also had a profound influence on cavalry warfare. Cavalry in Chinese armies was heavily inspired by nomadic tribes to the north. Even for a region as far away as Europe, the origin of heavy cavalry warfare can be traced to nearby pastoralist peoples, namely the Sarmatians.

Finally, the steppes left us with some of the most noteworthy tales from history. Ambitious leaders such as Modu, Attila, Bumin Kaghan, Genghis Khan, Kublai Khan and Tamerlane have left their marks as some of the greatest warriors, king, conquerors, and emperors in history.




steppe_map.jpg

Central Asia. Regions of temperate steppes are shaded.


Overview of Central Asian history
The Ancient Steppes


Central Asia has seen human activity since the earliest of time. Although very few permanent agricultural societies grew on the steppes, the people of the steppes mastered the pastoral lifestyle and the domestication of animals. With their horses and herds of livestock, the nomads of Central Asia roamed across the steppes.

In the western steppes the most famous group of early nomads where the nomads of "Scythia," a loosely defined region spanning from the Black Sea to Eastern Mongolia. From the 8th century BCE onward, the Scythians waged war with neighboring civilizations such as the Persians, Greeks, and Mesopotamians. The Scythians were renowned for their superb horsemanship, a characteristic common among all nomadic groups.

In the 6th Century BCE, the Achaemenid Persian Empire and later, Alexander’s Empire, expanded into the edges of the western steppes. At the edges of these two empires, the result was a mixing of nomadic and sedentary cultures. Perhaps the greatest example of such multiculturalism is the Kushan Empire of the 1st to 3rdcentury CE, an empire built by migrating nomads who integrated Greek, Persian, and Indian cultures that had become local of the area. Despite their nomadic origin, the Kushans built an empire of walled cities and agriculture, suitable for the region. West of the Kushan Empire was the Parthian Empire, which conquered Persia from Alexander’s successors. Like the Kushan Empire, the Parthian Empire was a sedentary kingdom whose rulers were of nomadic origin. Establishment of “civilized” kingdoms by “barbarian” nomads would prove to be a reoccurring theme in history. Further north from these kingdoms, pastoral nomads still roamed the land.





xiongnu.jpg

Scythia and the Xiong Nu Empire

The eastern steppes saw no less activity than the western steppes. Like the nomads of the western steppes, the nomads of the east were in frequent contact with nearby civilizations, namely the Chinese. The famous Great Wall of China was built as defense against these invaders from the north. In the 200s BCE, the Xiong Nurose to prominence under their leader Mao Dun. The Xiong Nu conquered a large region around Mongolia and grew into a powerful confederation. Nearby nomads were incorporated into the empire or driven out. One particular group who fled the Xiong Nu onslaught was the Yue Zhi, who later founded the Kushan Empire far away from their original homeland. As the most powerful nomadic empire the world had yet seen, the Xiong Nu aggressively waged war against China, now under the rule of the Han Dynasty. However, the fragile state of nomadic empires could not maintain their conquests in China. Eventually, the Xiong Nu was defeated. Later, punitive expeditions from the Han broke the Xiong Nu Empire into fragmented states. The Xiong Nu fell into tributary status and eventually continued to decline. By the second century AD, the Xiong Nu was no longer a significant force.

At this time in history (c. 100 AD), four great empires spanned Eurasia: The Roman Empire, the Parthian Empire, the Kushan Empire and the Han Empire. Of these four empires,the Parthian and Kushan Empires were both of nomadic origins. Through these empires ran the famous Silk Road, the major inter-continential trade route of its time. While nomads are often known for war, at many times, they were peaceful. They were present on trade routes, often acting as middlement for far-away merchants.




silk_road.jpg

Eurasia c. 100 CE

In China, the collapse of the Xiong Nu created opportunities for emerging powers in the steppes. When the Han Dynasty also fell, northern China became an easy target for nomadic conquerors. A new group, the Xianbei, had already risen to power. In 386 AD, a division of the Xianbei established the Northern Wei Dynasty in Northern China, another example of an agricultural empire of nomadic origin. Interestingly, on the steppes, the Xianbei were replaced by another power, the Ruruan. The Ruruan became the newest to hold the ever-changing position of “Empire of the Steppes,” until they were overthrown in the 6th century.

Other Parts of the world faced similar incursions by nomadic groups. In 370, the Huns arrived near the black sea, where they displaced the Goths and other barbarians of the area. (The fact that the Huns appeared at a time approximately after the Xiong Nu disappeared has encouraged the notion that the Huns came from the Xiong Nu.) The expansion of the Huns forced other barbarians into Roman realms. The result of was devastating to the Roman Empire. The Hunnic Empire, a conglomerate of barbarian tribes ruled by the Huns, reached their peak of power in the 450s under their king Attila. But after Attila died, the empire rapidly disintegrated. Another invading group of this time was the Hepthalites, who were driven out from Mongolia by the rising Ruruan power. Forced to migrate, the Hepthalites moved west and destroyed the already fragmented Kushan Empire. The Helphalites expanded further, attacking the Sassanid Empire of Persia and expanding into India.



huns.jpg

Eurasia c. 450 CE

The Episodes of the Scythians, Xiong Nu, Huns, and other nomads show a trend of continual change. On the steppes, the scarcity of permanent cities meant that empires were constantly built and destroyed, and that groups migrate at the dynamics of these power shifts. Steppe peoples such as the Xiong Nu waged wars with their neighboring agricultural empires, but also served as traders. Furthermore, empires like the Kushans’ show that nomads were also capable of building sedentary empires of cities and agriculture. In the next “period” of history, marked by the movement of Turks and Mongols, such trends become even more dramatic.


Turkic Empires: the Early Post-Classical Era (500-1200 CE)

In 552 AD, the Ruruan Empire collapsed at the uprising of the Gokturks (“Tu-Jue” in Chinese). Under their Kaghan Bumin and his successors, the Gokturks expanded rapidly to encompass all of greater Mongolia, the lands westward to the Caspian Sea and the lands eastward to Korea. The Gokturks built the most significant steppe empire so far in history, holding large areas of both the eastern and western steppes. The Gokturks destroyed the Hepthalite Empire and waged wars against China and even against Sassanid Iran. However, the vast empire could not maintatin its stability, and split into eastern and western divisions. Both empires were weakened by internal instability and eventually defeated in 630 by Tang China, which soon regained control of the Silk Road. The eastern empire was revived under new leadership and lasted until its collapse in 744 AD. Even though the Gokturk Kaghanate disappeared, the term “Turk” was passed on to many subsequent Turkic-speaking peoples of Eurasia, including the future Seljuk Turks. The immediate successor to the Gokturk Empire in the east was the Uyghurs. The Uyghurs, another Turkic-speaking people, were once subjects to the Gokturks. As the second Gokturk Empire declined, the Uyghurs seized power in the region. By the 760s, the Uyghur had renewed most of the former power of the Gokturks while the Tang Dynasty faced rebellion and began declining. However, the Uyghurs fell into disunity by the 830s AD and collapsed. Following the collapse of the Uyghur Kaghanate, many smaller kingdoms appeared in the area, but no extensive empire would rule the Eastern Steppes until the Mongols of the 13th century.




gokturks.jpg

The Gokturk Empire

The successors of the Gokturks in the west were the Bulgars and the Khazars. The Khazars foraged a strong khanate in the region between the Black and Caspian Sea. The Khazarians kingdom became dominant over the Bulgars and became the major power of the region. The Khazars were also notably unique in their adoption of Judaism as their religion. West of the Khazars, the Steppes near Europe continued to see dynamic influences from the steppes in the form of migrations. One remnant of the Bulgars migrated from the steppes and formed a state near the Danube, north of the Byzantine Empire. The Danube Bulgars would become a significant power in the 9th century. Around that time, one century after the abrupt collapse of the Hunnic Empire, the Avars invaded Europe from the steppes. The Avars launched punitive campaigns into central Europe and until settling in Pannonia in the late 500s AD. Avar power continued in Pannonia, where it dwindled in influence until the Avar state was annexed by Charlemagne. Incursions from the steppes resumed in 896, when the Magyars entered the Hungarian plains, from where they launched expeditions into other parts of Europe. After the raids, the Magyars settled permanently in the Hungarian Plains. While nomadic conquests were rather frequent in outer Asia and Eastern Europe, Western Europe proved to be too far from the steppes for sustained nomadic incursions.

In the early 11th century, one branch of Turks, known as the Oghuz Turks, migrated into Southwest Asia where they later became known as the Seljuks. The Seljuks would become significant to the history of both Europe and the Middle East. At the beginning of the migrations, the Seljuks came into contact (or actually, conflict) with the Ghaznavids, another Turkic dynasty that had built an empire around modern-day Afghanistan. After much warfare, the Ghaznavids were defeated. The Seljuks continued into Iran, captured Baghdad, and expanded outward to encompass vast territories from Central Asia, to Egypt and the Mediterranean. In 1071, the Seljuks advanced into Asia Minor, where they defeated the army of Byzantium at Manzikert. The battle of Manzikert resulted in the initiation of the Crusades.

The Seljuk Empire was the largest empire in outer Asia that had its origins from inner Asia. However, the empire only lasted about a century. In 1156, the empire collapsed under a series of revolts. Of the many kingdoms that splintered out of the Seljuk Empire, one of the most notable was the Sultanate of Rum in Anatolia, which laid the foundation for future Turkish states of Turkey.

As noted earlier, following the collapse of the Uyghur Kaghanate in the eastern steppes, no large nomadic empire could dominate the entire region. New kingdoms appeared in the region and surrounding areas. In the far eastern regions of the Mongolia steppes, the Khitans rose to prominence with their establishment of the Liao Dynasty in 907 in Eastern Mongolia and parts of Northern China. The Khitans were a Tungusic nomadic group, distinct from Turkic nomads and possibly related to the old Xianbei. In 1125, The Khitans were driven out into Central Asia by the Jurchen, another Tungusic group, who proved to be a formidable war machine. The Jurchen aggressively waged war with the Song Dynasty of China. Their powerful cavalry gave them the upper hand against the Song. The Jurchen captured a significant portion of Northern China, forcing the Song to relocate their capital south. Like many nomadic conquerors, the Jurchen established themselves into local customs, adopting the Chinese Dynastic name of Jin. As lord of Northern China, the Jin saw the steppes nations as their subjects. But the Jin would eventually be overthrown by a new steppe empire.


The Mongol Conquests: Central Asia from 1200-1500

In 1206, an ambitious warlord named Temujin united the Mongolian steppes under his command. He became Chinggis (Genghis) Khan. Chinggis launched campaigns against the Jin Empire, subjugated the Xixia west of the Jin and conquered the Khwarezmian Empire, which ruled the western territory of the former Seljuk Empire. His successor continued this line of spectacular conquests. The Jin Empire finally fell in 1234 and the Mongols extended their empire westward, incorporating the Sultanate of Rum, all of the western steppes and most of Russia by the 1240s. Further conquests annexed Southwest Asia, cumulating in the capture of Baghdad and the destruction of the Abassid Caliphate. Chinggis’ grandson Kublai completed the conquest of China with the establishment of the Yuan Dynasty in 1271 and the final destruction of the Song Dynasty in 1279. By 1280s, the Mongol Empires ruled nearly all of Asia, from the Pacific Ocean to Asia Minor.

Although the Mongols had already begun to lose unity by 1260 when individual Khanates gradually became increasingly dependent, the unprecedented magnitude of the Mongol conquests had far-reaching consequences. While earlier nomadic powers had either built vast empires on the steppes of Inner Asia or powerful empires in agriculture lands of outer Asia, the Mongols were the first to hold both Inner and Outer Asia. As a result, the boundary between the regions of Persia and the Western Steppes, and the boundary between China and the Eastern Steppes, as well as the regions of Asia Central all disappeared under the overreaching dominion of the Mongols. Trade was able to flourish between the east and the west, and for the first time since the fall of the Tang Empire, the Silk Road was reopened. On the newly opened trade route, ideas and even diseases were able to be exchanged from one side of Eurasia to another. The massive political realignment also had dramatic consequences on the civilizations of Asia. The conquest of China brought about a reunification of the region under a single dynasty, although a foreign one. The establishment of Mongol power in Russia drastically changed the political situation of the former disunited states in the region. The establishment of rule in Persia and the Middle East brought Islam rule in the region to brief halt.

The extent of the Mongol conquest was limited by the Mongols’ growing disunity due to the geographic overextension of the empire. As disunity increases, the Mongols increasingly lost the resources for further conquest. When Kublai died in 1294, no Great Khan was recognized as at least the nominal overlord of the Mongol Dominions. The western divisions of the Mongol Empire, the Il-Khanate and the Blue Horde, fought for power only to dilute each other’s strength. The Il-Khanate waged war with the Mameluks, who had grown into a powerful force, but were not successful. Despite failures to further expand into the Middle East, the Il-Khanate remained as a formidable state until its collapse in 1335, after which the region fell into a state of Chaos. Power was restored later by the Turkic conqueror Timur Lenk (Tamerlane). Timur ruthlessly defeated all his adversaries. The Mongol Khans in Russia, the Ottoman Turks, the Mameluks, the Delhi sultanate were all defeated. With the Central Asian city of Samarkand as capital, Timur’s empire is sometimes considered to be the last great “nomadic” power of the western steppes. However, the empire was short lived and disintegrated a century after he died death in 1405. After the fall of Timur’s Empire, the Safavid dynasty rose in Iran. Native rule and Islam were restored and never again would a power derived from the steppes hold power in the region.


The 16th Century and Onwards


Shortly after the collapse of the Il-Khanate, the Mongols also lost hold of China when the Yuan Dynasty was overthrown in 1368 in favor of the Ming Dynasty. The the Ruling line of the Yuan Dynasty retreated back to Mongolia. Despite being expelled, the Mongols were still a formidable power in war. In 1449, the Mongols were able to capture the Ming Emperor in an exceedingly disastrous campaign for the Ming. Continuing threats from the Mongols had already encouraged the rebuilding of the Great Wall of China by the Ming, whose version of the wall is well-known today. Nonetheless, the Mongols were no longer able to stage any permanent conquests of China.

In Russia, the Mongol Khans of the Blue Horde and the later Golden Horde had established themselves as overlords as a result of their successful conquests. The Russian principalities became tributary states to the Mongol Khanates. However, by the 15th century, Mongol grip on Russia had gradually weakened, while the Russian states became increasingly more powerful. In 1380, the Russians defeated the Golden Horde, which afterward, fragmented to a collection of states. By 1503, the Russian principality of Muscovy under Ivan the Great had definitively thrown off Mongol rule. Muscovy began its own campaigns of expansion into Central Asia. One fragment of the Golden Horde, the Khanate of Crimea, survived until 1789.

In the 17th the semi-nomadic Manchus swept down from the steppes east of Mongolia and conquered the Ming. Led by Nurrhacci and his successors, the Manchu conquered Ming China. Manchu conquests represented the last major conquest by a nomadic horseman. Like all foreign conquerors of China, the Manchus became a Chinese Empire, taking the dynastic title of Qing. The Manchus then launched aggressive campaigns against their neighbors. In 1634, the last Mongol Great Khan surrendered to the Manchu. Meanwhile, the Russians continued their impressive expansion into Central Asia. On the eastern steppes, the lands not conquered by the Qing were taken by the Russians. By the 19th century, the Russians had annexed almost of the western steppes.

While Central Asia was still Central Asia, the world has dramatically changed as time moved into the “Modern” period. Though successful for thousands years, nomadic cavalry warfare could no longer maintain its edge against firearms. The rising global presence of “agricultural” states became too difficult for nomadic armies to “sweep and conquer.” Power became more of a matter of economical prowess rather than the skill of individual warriors. Into the modern era, nomadic civilization ceased to be a driving force in history.


SELECTED REFERENCES
Nicolle and Shpakovsky, Kalkha River 1223. Oxford: Osprey Publishing, 2001. Map of steppe climate zones.
Ihsan, various articles on All Empires: Online History Community For reference on Turkic History
Christian, A history of Russia, Central Asia, and Mongolia. Blackwell Publishers, 1999.

Author: Imperator InvictusWritten: Jan. 2006
 
http://www.isapwh.com/apwh2fallreadinggunpowderempires.doc

The Gunpowder Empires and the Shifting Balance of Global Power

Like so many of their predecessors, each of the great Muslim dynasties of the pre-modern era came to power with the support of nomadic warrior peoples. Each based the military forces that won and sustained its empire on massed cavalry. But in each case, there was a significant divergence from past conditions. As the outcome of the critical battle of Chaldiran between the Ottomans and Safavids made clear, by the 16th century firearms had become a decisive element in armed conflict—the key to empire building. In military and political terms, global history had entered a new phase.

Although the Chinese had invented gunpowder and were the first to use it in war, the Mongols were the first to realize the awesome potential of the new type of weaponry based on explosive formulas. The Mongols continued to build their armies around swift cavalry and their skill as mounted archers. But siege cannons became critical to Mongol conquests once they ventured into the highly urbanized civilizations that bordered on their steppe homelands. Mongol successes against intricately walled and heavily fortified cities in China, Russia, and the Islamic heartlands impressed their sedentary and nomadic adversaries with the power of the new weaponry and contributed much to its spread throughout the Eurasian world in the late 13th and 14th centuries.

Innovation in the use of gunpowder spread quickly to many areas, especially Europe and the Muslim Middle East. By the late 15th century, muskets and field cannons, however heavy and clumsy the latter might be, were transforming warfare from Europe to China. In the Middle East, Janissary musketeers and heavy artillery became the driving force of Ottoman expansion. The Safavids' lack of artillery was critical to their defeat at Chaldiran. In Europe, armies were increasingly built around musket and artillery regiments. Rival states vied to attract gunsmiths who could provide them with die latest weaponry or, even better, invent guns that would give them decisive advantages over their rivals. In the Atlantic and the Mediterranean, handguns and cannons were introduced into sea warfare—an innovation that proved essential to the Europeans' ability to project their power overseas from the 16th century onward.

In many areas, the new military technology contributed to broader social and political changes. In feudal Europe and somewhat later in Japan, for example, siege cannons reduced feudal castles to rubble. In so doing, they struck a mortal blow at the warrior aristocracies that had dominated these societies for centuries. But the success of the new weaponry forced a revolution in the design of fortifications and defense strategies. The defense systems that resulted, which were expensive and elaborate, spawned corps of professional officers and engineers, vast military supply industries, and urban centers enclosed by low-lying walls and star-shaped bastions. The cost of the field artillery, siege weapons, and new defense industries promoted state centralization, as the experience of the Muslim empires and the history of Europe and Japan in the gunpowder age demonstrate. Rulers with national or imperial ambitions had the firepower to level the fortresses of regional lords and thus more effectively control the populations and resources of their domains.

Although the new weaponry was vital to the rise and sustenance of nation-states and empires, some political systems were more compatible than others with efforts to exploit and improve on it. At one extreme, the Chinese scholar-gentry limited innovations in gunpowder weaponry and its use in warfare because they feared that these changes would lead to the dominance of the military in Ming and later Qing society. After the early 1600s, the shoguns, or military leaders, of neighboring lapan virtually banned the firearms that had done so much to bring them to power. In this case, a military caste feared that the spread of firearms to the general populace would destroy what was left of the feudal order they had built centuries earlier.

The obstacles faced by nomadic peoples such as die Mongols were very different. Their sparse populations and arid lands simply did not generate the resources or sustained invention that would allow them to keep up with their sedentary neighbors in the expensive arms races that the new technology spawned. As the advantages of sedentary societies grew more pronounced in the 17th and 18th centuries, nomadic peoples found not only that they could no longer raid or conquer die agrarian cores but also that sedentary adversaries could advance into and occupy their homelands on the steppe and desert fringes.

Nomadic dynasties, such as the Ottomans, Safavids, and Mughals, who had won their empires in the early stages of the gunpowder revolution, did control the agrarian bases and skilled artisans needed to supply their armies with muskets and siege cannons. But they were confronted by internal conflicts and, perhaps more critically in the long run, formidable external rivals. To begin with, their military technology was far in advance of the transport and communication systems of their far-flung empires. This fact, and their failure to build effective imperial bureaucracies, left them at the mercy of the warrior elites who brought them to power. In each of the three empires, die regional bases of the warrior classes became increasingly independent of the ruling dynasty. This meant that the rulers were denied revenue and other resources that were vital to maintaining competitive military establishments. Their fragile and overstretched administrative systems proved difficult to reform and more and more ineffective at administering the peasant populations in their charge. Internal revolts further sapped the resources of the hard pressed Muslim dynasties.

In each Muslim empire, decline was hastened by the rise of European rivals, who proved more adept at taking advantage of the gunpowder revolution. The smaller but highly competitive nation-states of Western Europe were better able to mobilize their smaller human and natural resources than their Muslim counterparts. Constant struggles for survival in the multi-state European system also made the elites of Spain, England, and France more receptive to technological innovation, which became a central ingredient of political success in the gunpowder era. Emulating the more advanced states of Western Europe, for example, Peter the Great forced social reforms and military innovations that transformed a weak and backward Russia into a powerful adversary of the Ottomans and the nomadic peoples of the steppes. Thus, although it began in China and was initially spread by the Mongol nomads, the gunpowder revolution eventually tipped die global balance of power in favor of the peoples of Christian Europe. This shift was an essential condition for Europe's rise to global power in the centuries that followed.
 

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