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No influx of Muslims in Assam over last decade

Luffy 500

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Uttam Sengupta in Guwahati


Wildly fluctuating and suspiciously rounded figures (10 million in 1997 by CPI’s Indrajit Gupta, 20 million by BJP’s L.K. Advani in 2003, 12 million by Congress’s Sriprakash Jaiswal in 2004) of alleged illegal Bangladeshi migrants, based on nothing in particular or attributed vaguely to ‘intelligence reports’, :lol:have dominated the discourse on the ethnic strife in Assam. Yet, official census figures tell a completely different story.
In the last three Censuses (1991, 2001 and 2011), decadal growth rates of population have been lower than the national figure.:woot:
Also, it is incorrect that abnormal population growth automatically suggests illegal migration.

Population in Dhemaji district grew dramatically by 74.72 per cent between 1971 and 1991. But 95 per cent of the population happen to be Hindus. ( well its not rocket science is it? :undecided:)
Tripura has a 900-km border with Bangladesh (as compared to 270 kms for Assam) and yet illegal migrants do not seem to be an issue there.
The BJP Member of Parliament, Bijoya Chakrabarty, declared in the Lok Sabha this month that ‘Bangladeshis’ were in a majority in 13 of the 27 districts of Assam. Even the otherwise sober Arun Jaitley, leader of the opposition in the Rajya Sabha, said in the Rajya Sabha that in both Dhubri and Goalpara districts, ‘foreigners’ constituted 60-80 per cent of the population.
In an affidavit filed before the Supreme Court of India this month, the ministry of home affairs however claimed that electoral rolls in Assam went through several revisions between 1997 and 2005 and there was little possibility of ‘foreigners’ being included in the list. The latest census appears to support the claim.
Population growth in Assam: In absolute terms, the number of people in the state went up by 4.51 million in a decade (45,13,744 to be precise) in the 2011 census (provisional).
Children below the age of 6: The population of children below the age of 6, born after the last census in 2001, is also 4.51 million (45,11,307). The fear of run-away illegal migration, therefore, may well be misplaced.

Decline of population in Kokrajhar: The lowest population growth (5.19 per cent) in Assam has been recorded in Kokrajhar district, the seat of the Bodo Territorial Council, where it has come down from 14.49 per cent in 2001.
Muslim population in Kokrajhar: While figures for population by religion in the 2011 census are yet to be declared, in 1971, Muslims constituted 17 per cent of the population, 19.3 per cent in 1991 and 20.4 per cent in 2001. This clearly does not indicate an alarming growth.:agree: Muslims as a whole, constituted 30.9 per cent of Assam’s population (comparative figures are 25.2 per cent for Bengal and 24.7 per cent for Kerala.) Most of the ‘migrant’ Muslims—Indian citizens if they came before April 1971—are forced to live on the shifting sandbars of the Brahmaputra and frequently uprooted by floods. (shinning suckular india eh :lol:) Many migrate to urban centres to work as rickshaw pullers, vegetable vendors and construction workers. Politicians feeding on their fear seem to have pushed them again to the brink.:angry:

Holiday
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The writer is a hindu assamese and is giving stats from india's own population census. It also points towards the fact that muslims in assam (their historical land) are now subjugated to insane amount of poverty and discrimination. But yet shamless indian keep on spouting nonsense of illegal migration myth like brainless zombies. I guess they are not that brainless but just their genocidal psyche that makes that spout such rubbish.
 
Statistics again?? How many times do I have to tell you guys.. hindutva brains are generally impenetrable by anything other than hockey sticks, baseball bats... :D
 
There are so many mistakes in his "analysis". If you start picking snippets from overall statistical scenario you can prove just about anything.
 
I do blive that there are some migration happened, but not at the extent other people claimed here. May be same amount of Hindus could also have been migrated.

But you should know one point that there are many Indian Hindus who still writes this kind of article, who fights against hatred. But u dont have this kind of people in your country who talks against Majority when they did anything wrong. Right?

There are so many mistakes in his "analysis". If you start picking snippets from overall statistical scenario you can prove just about anything.

What kind of mistakes? May be as u said by picking some snippets people were talking as if "Almost all in assam muslims are migrants"
 
almost every muslim in Assam is migrant from BD..

That is not true, there are many Assamese Muslims in upper Assam. Also Bengali speaking Muslims in lower Assam and Barak Valley who came way before the independence of BD should be considered as Indian citizens. But that doesn't discount the fact that there has been a massive influx of illegal Bangladeshis since 71. They are illegals and should be treated as such.
 
That is not true, there are many Assamese Muslims in upper Assam. Also Bengali speaking Muslims in lower Assam and Barak Valley who came way before the independence of BD should be considered as Indian citizens. But that doesn't discount the fact that there has been a massive influx of illegal Bangladeshis since 71. They are illegals and should be treated as such.
but will congress take action against them,there vote is heavily dependents on them in assam...
 
but will congress take action against them,there vote is heavily dependent on them in assam...

True. The whole problem could become so huge because the illegal Bangladeshis got political protection from successive govts. Even the AGP govt which was a direct byproduct of Assam Agitation failed to do anything about it after two terms. It was near impossible for anybody to lodge a complaint against a suspected illegal due to the "congressi" IMDT act which was repealed by SC in 2005.
 
True. The whole problem got so huge because the illegal Bangladeshis got political protection from successive govts. Even the AGP govt which was a direct byproduct of Assam Agitation failed to do anything about it after two terms. It was near impossible for anybody to lodge a complaint against a suspected illegal due to the "congressi" IMDT act which was repealed by SC in 2005.
If I am not wrong Muslim population of Assam is more then the other inhabitant population so the chances that other party form government in Assam is impossible.

OK Muslim population in Assam is 30% but its still very huge and with the help of fool secular Hindu,congress will dominate the region..
 
If I am not wrong Muslim population of Assam is more then the other inhabitant population so the chances that other party form government in Assam is impossible.

OK Muslim population in Assam is 30% but its still very huge and with the help of fool secular Hindu,congress will dominate the region..

The problem is that there are no good alternatives in Assam. After the Assam Accord AGP did form Govt twice, but they broke people's trust, they were even worse than congress. The state govt employees had to wait for months to get their salaries. It was that bad under AGP. Hence congress once again regained their monopoly and I don't see that changing in near future.
 
This article is identical copy of the article that was posted in the outlook magazine of india. But these hindutva terrorists can come up with this 2 or 3 common term...jammat source...mythical illegal migration and blah blah blah. But none could denied the stat. This whole migration issue is a myth based on propaganda by extremist hindu terror group like bjp, rss, shiv sena etc...n it can not be proved based on any stat or census data period.
 
Assam: How Ulfa terrorism altered demographic pattern

A book titled As-sam Terrorism and the Demog-raphic Chal-lenge (Centre for Land Warfare Studies-Knowledge World), written by me and published in 2009, assumes greater relevance in the light of the recent riots in Kokrajhar. It dwells on how the demographic pattern of at least eight districts in Assam got adversely altered over two decades of terrorism by United Liberation Front of Assom (Ulfa), when its leaders were hiding in Bangladesh.
Decades of illegal migration from erstwhile East Pakistan, later Bangladesh, into Assam eventually led to the bloody anti-foreigner agitation in 1983, in which at least 2,000 people were hacked to death in a place called Nellie, a few hours from Guwahati. Those killed were Muslims, accused to be illegal migrants and occupants of land that belonged to Lalung tribals.
The agitation culminated in the Assam Accord signed by the central government and representatives of All Assam Students Union (AASU), which was largely an economic package. The Illegal Migration Determination by Tribunal (IMDT) Act enacted by the ruling Congress in 1983, replacing the Foreigner’s Act of 1946, was clearly driven by political agenda of vote bank. It virtually regularised illegal migrants from Bangladesh who migrated into India up to March, 1971 and even beyond. Peace was bought through a financial package on one hand, and status-quo prevailed in terms of accepting Bangladeshis who migrated before March, 1971 as Indian citizens on the other. The vote bank was saved. Constitutionality of such an accord between a students union and central government was never questioned.
This Act made it almost impossible for a Bangladeshi migrant to be deported from Assam. Under the Act, the onus of establishing nationality rested not on the illegal migrant, not on the government, but on an individual who had to pay a fee to lodge a complaint to a stipulated jurisdiction. It took 22 years for the Supreme Court to repeal IMDT Act as un-constitutional in 2005. Initiated by AASU, the agitation produced a political party called Asom Gana Parishad (AGP), and an armed wing called United Liberation Front of Asom (Ulfa), which by late 1980s had penetrated all departments of the state government and developed into a deadly menace, extorting money and killing with impunity. In late November 1990, when President’s rule was promulgated and the Army launched against it, its boss, Paresh Barua, and close cohorts fled to Bangladesh, thereby betraying that very cause. As I had assessed in early 1992, Barua and gang soon came into the strong grip of Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) detachment in Bangladesh. The Ulfa escapees not only became conduits for ISI to enter India ’s Northeast region to establish contacts with other violent groups there, but also became its great assets for anti-India activities. Ulfa became an effective tool of the ISI for pursuing its aim of inducting and settling illegal Bangladeshi migrants in various parts into Assam, raising new madarasas and controlling old ones and trying to convert ethnic Assamese Muslims to fundamentalism, creating communal tension, circulating fake Indian currency, trafficking arms and narcotics, sabotaging installations-particularly rail and oil- and public services, assassinations and massacres and generally spreading terror. Whenever Ulfa felt the heat of Army operations, its oft-repeated ploy was to cry out for ceasefire and negotiation, only to get respite and reorganise itself.
Bodoland comprises the Bodoland Territorial Autonomous Districts (BTAD), which include parts of Kokrajhar, Baksa, Chirang and Udalguri districts. Administered by the autonomous Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC), this territory came into existence since 10 February 2003, when the BTC Accord was signed between the Assam government, the Union government and the Bodo Liberation Tigers on. Recognised as a plains tribe in the Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution. Udalguri and Kokrajhar are considered the centre of Bodoland with Kokrajhar selected as its capital. Involved in rice cultivation, tea plantation, pig and poultry farming, and silkworm rearing, weaving is part of Bodo culture. no Bodo courtyard is complete without a loom and Bodo girls learn to weave from a young age. Many families rear their own silkworms, the cocoons of which are then spun into silk. Assam’s superior “mooga” silk saris are famous and expensive as they are intricately woven.
According to news reports, the recent July-August 2012 riots between Bodos and non-Bodos/non-Assamese in Kokrajhar, being referred to as “Bangladeshis/Mians from Bangladesh” and its neighbouring districts have left 77 killed and about 3,78,045 people rendered homeless. This being an official figure, no one knows how many more people have taken shelter in the safe zones. Out of the displaced, 2,66,700 are Muslims and 1,11,345 are Bodos. They are in 235 relief camps spread across four districts of the state. Of the 235 camps, 99 camps are for Bodo residents and 136 camps are for Muslim residents. Dhubri district has 90 relief camps, Kokrajhar has 71, Chirang has 62 and Bongaigaon has 12. School and college summer-breaks have been extended. According to news reports and visuals from networks, many of these camps are a living hell. Till some days ago, there were reportedly only 117 doctors available for almost 4,00,000 displaced people in these camps, where at least 8,000 children were reported to be sick. With very little or no water, very few toilets and nothing more than only rice to eat, there seems scant hope of any improvement in the health and hygiene.
However, news reports following the visit of UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi and Union home minister Sushilkumar Shinde to some of the relief camps on 13 August quote Mrs Gandhi as saying that she asked the refugees whether they were facing any problem in the camp or had any complaints but they replied they had none. “The refugees said that they were receiving rations regularly. Only two children were unwell and the doctors will attend to them,” she is further quoted to have said. Does this mean that by the time she visited facilities had been provided? Or was she conveniently shown only those camps which being closer to urban centres are much better equipped? Because the disparity in the earlier reports and visuals and those following her visit is very wide.
A senior journalist based in Guwahati, working for a national daily, who visited Kokrajhar soon after the riots erupted reflected general concern when he remarked while speaking to me: “If Bodos, considered quite fierce, have been targeted, what will be the plight of non-Bodos/ Assamese…. No one wants to go back to their villages…. “Bodoland is our birth right” is the slogan written on bus stops and walls of buildings.”
It is also reported that the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) youth have made it clear that they do not want the Bengali Muslims/“miyans/Bangladeshis” back in their districts. Direct warnings conveyed to them are that they may return at their own peril. Older slogans from student organisations like the All Bodo Students Union (ABSU) are “No Bodoland, No Rest. Divide Assam, 50-50”.
The Bodo movement and the demand for Bodoland was all because of dispossession of tribal land by non-Bodos, mostly Bengali and Assamese settlers. The demand also included recognition of their language and culture. In 1988, the National Democratic Front of Bodoland was formed for the purpose of launching a guerrilla war against New Delhi.
Pramod Boro, president of All Bodo Students Union, quoted in the media said: “It is very clear. A genuine Indian citizen has every right to stay where they want to. But out of the people in the camps are also illegal migrants. They have taken advantage of the situation, of the weakness in the law.”
The large gathering at Mumbai’s Azad Maidan protesting against what transpired against Muslims in Assam and Burma can very likely be attributed to the well-established Pak ISI and Mumbai underworld connection cemented by Dawood Ibrahim in 1993, prior to the Mumbai blasts.
What is ironic is that both the Centre and Assam government, led by chief minister Tarun Gogoi, are now enthusiastically negotiating with the so-called pro-talks faction of Ulfa, whose members actively catalysed and greatly boosted the process of illegal migration by Bangladeshis and also got them settled in many areas by terrorising/massacring Assamese and non-Assamese-speaking communities during the two decades till the Bangladesh Nationalist Party was in power.
 
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