What's new

New phase begins

Neo

RETIRED

New Recruit

Joined
Nov 1, 2005
Messages
18
Reaction score
0

Editorial: After the “reconciliation” of March 16, the three big parties are in the process of reaching consensus on matters they consider most important after the restoration of the judges. The PPP and the PMLN have to make a special effort to bring down some of the heat they created against each other during the Long March, the moderate violence they imputed to each other, and many mutual wounds they inflicted with their rhetoric. The comfort levels achieved so far with friendly statements point to a possible period of cooperation.

The third largest party, the PMLQ, has to reach clarity of purpose within itself. Its signalling is being interpreted differently by different observers. The reports are also contradictory, pointing to contradictions within the party. The “official” stance is therefore obscure and ambiguous. What does the party want? The last time the party leaders seemed to speak with one voice, they wanted a tripartite coalition in Punjab. Then they said the PMLN should be asked to form the government, and if it can’t, then they would help the PPP to form its government.

That too is not certain because some big leaders including the party’s secretary general simply don’t want to talk to the PPP. The PMLQ MPAs who want to join up with the PPP in Punjab say the anti-PPP element is from the centre while the government has to be formed in Punjab where the MPAs have a different perspective and different interests. They are also miffed about the pro-PMLN “forward bloc” of their party in the province and do not see themselves being treated equally by the Nawaz League should they move over to the Sharifs to help them form the government in the province sans the PPP.

There is also the matter of the “defection clause” which is there and should normally allow the victim party to get the Election Commissioner to unseat the members who cross the floor and vote in violation of party discipline. The flaws in the law are coming to the fore as the PMLN gets ready to take advantage of a large “forward bloc” dislodged from the PMLQ. One, the government-forming goes ahead despite the application to the Election Commission, and the new chief minister is not deposed if the defector is punished. Two, politicians thus unseated can be made to fight by-elections and win again under the ruling party. Three, the speaker takes his time forwarding the application to the Election Commissioner. Unlike India, Pakistan has a tough law against defection, but the procedures are lax and allow the floor-crossers to get away.

The PMLN-PPP tiff is only half resolved. The Sharifs see a partner of sorts in Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani who they think will facilitate the formation of a PMLN-led coalition in Punjab once the review petition at the Supreme Court results in their restoration. Can this be the opening for reconciliation in Punjab and resumption of the old coalition in the province? There are contradictory news on the issue. One report says Governor’s Rule would soon be lifted, which is credible, but it also says that the Governor would be changed too, which is contradicted by another report which says the PPP is making ready to form the next government with PMLQ.

This is the phase of lack of clarity which will soon be removed by good or negative developments. The two parties can either reconcile completely and move forward to implement the Charter of Democracy with a constitutional amendment, or relapse into the more familiar pattern of mutual recrimination. Mr Nawaz Sharif has disavowed mid-term elections, and is not too emphatic about the NRO in unison with the “pledge” coming from the lawyers’ movement that the restored chief justice will not hear the case pending on it.

Potential “disputes” like the interim inductions of judges into the higher judiciary (the appointment of Justice Hamid Mirza (retd) as the new Chief Election Commissioner has already been made) can be resolved through the enforcement of the Charter of Democracy, for which the PMLN and the PPP will have to maintain their current friendly posture.
 
.

WAJID NAEEMUDDIN

ARTICLE (March 19 2009): What is common between Nawaz Sharif of yore (the Nineties) and Asif Zardari of today? Answer: Both would settle for nothing less than absolute power.

While Asif Zardaris recent moves (leading up to the CJP restoration decision) are ample testimony to his style of governance and are there for all to see, Nawaz Sharifs alleged desperate actions when he was in power, to control the judiciary (in a high court case being then heard by no other than our worthy Malik Abdul Qayyum who has also provided useful services for the present rulers in the recent past), to get decisions to his liking come up now and then in the political blame game in the media.

There is also a matter of an attack on the Supreme Court by his alleged cronies who subsequently admitted to the act, threw themselves at the Courts mercy and were forgiven by an indulgent Court. But Nawaz Sharif has not come clean in the matter and the subject keeps coming up in political give and take whenever he presumes to take moral high ground.

As for President Asif Zardari, his moves towards assuming absolute power, no matter what, are unfolding right before our eyes. Readers of Spotlight may perhaps recall that in the very first article that appeared in April 2008 titled The PPP Power Triangle, Asif Zardari, Rahman Malik and Farooq Naek were identified as the vertices of the triangle.

With the Prime Minister left to twiddle his thumbs, the affairs of the state have been run by President Asif Zardari with the help of the other two. Mr Rahman Malik and Mr Farooq Naek are reported to have been the main behind-the-scene people in the long drawn out negotiations Benazir had with Musharraf, with big brother America overseeing everything including NRO, a subject close to Mr Zardaris heart! Therefore they have Asif Zardaris full confidence. But they also arouse deep suspicion as at best unknown entities in the minds of PPP second tier and its activists.

His National Assembly "flank" secure with the appointment of Dr Fehmida Mirza, wife of crony Mr Zulfiqar Mirza (himself Home Minister in Sindh Province), the President turned his attention to the Senate whose Chairman officiates as President in the latters absence and got Farooq Naek elected Chairman, rather than the obvious choice in the person of highly respected leader of the house in the Senate, Mr Raza Rabbani.

In this, President Zardari appears to have overreached himself. Mr Rabbani was quick to relinquish his positions in silent protest, both as leader of the house in the Senate and as Federal Minister for Inter-provincial Co-ordination. Then followed the resignation of Sherry Rehman, Federal Minister for Information and Broadcasting, who was considered by PPP power-brokers as soft on the opposition in media and who in turn had complaints of being ignored in decision making in her area of responsibility.

After Aitzaz Ahsan, Raza Rabbani and Sherry Rehman, two more PPP stalwarts Senator Safdar Abbasi and Naheed Khan (both considered to have been very close to Benazir) have openly joined the miffed group to make a round five and Zardari will have to fall back for support on an increasingly partisan and controversial alignment in PPP. For now, he has made sure that only the faithful will officiate as President when he goes abroad or is otherwise on leave from Presidential duties.

CJP RESTORED! The government (read President Zardari) had shown no intention of giving in to demands of the Long Marchers. Nearly all PPP spokespersons had decried the deposed CJP in various Talk Shows, as a political person who could not be reinstated, come what may! On his part, Rahman Malik said a challenge was given by the Long March and he was fully determined to meet it.

These were no idle words. Rahman Malik left no stone unturned and barred no holds in his efforts to thwart the Long March. One can only wonder, had he shown half the initiative in protecting Benazir in Rawalpindi or in protecting the visiting cricket team from Sri Lanka, would the two tragic happenings have been averted!

The dramatic announcement by the Prime Minister, in the early hours of Monday that CJP Chaudhry Mohammad Iftikhar was being restored to his former position, therefore caused euphoria among the marchers - numbering hundreds of thousands and increasing by the minute - on the roads leading to Islamabad. Nawaz Sharif announced an end to the Long March which he claimed was done after consulting all participant leaders.

There was much celebration, dancing and passing on of sweets at this apparently sudden turn of events (specially after CJP accepted the decision) after all the tear gassing and scuffles which had left many injured and suffering from lathi charges, stone throwing and tear gas effects. People were preparing for a long drawn out struggle with the prospect of many days on the road ahead and here was their long coveted goal offered to them on a plate!

RESERVATIONS AND ENIGMAS AHEAD Not all got carried away by the PMs announcement, though. Justice (R) Wajihuddin Ahmed was one of the first to question the delay in restoring CJP. His question: why cannot Dogar go on LPR immediately thus vacating the place for the deposed CJP. Barrister Hamid Khan former President Supreme Court Bar Association also had reservations about the unanswered questions and did not look as happy as, for example, Aitzaz Ahsan.

Qazi Hussain Ahmed Amir Jamaate Islami (whose followers stood their ground at the GPO Chowk in Lahore with others on Sunday in a hail of tear gas shells and took the sting out of the police operation) was dissatisfied with developments on two counts: firstly he criticised Nawaz Sharifs action in calling off the Long March without, according to him, any consultation with JI, Tehrike Insaf and other stakeholders following PMs announcement as had been agreed.

Secondly, without restoration of the judiciary to its 2 November 2007 position, CJP Chaudhry would not be able to achieve much in view of a large number of judges appointed during the past few days since they were mainly drawn, according to Qazi Saheb, from the ranks of PPP activists. Many others are also voicing misgivings in the same vein, given Asif Zardaris record on commitments and promises. Any delay looks ominous to many, and with reason!

"CONTAINING" THE LONG MARCH Section 144 was imposed in most cities prohibiting the assembly and movement of more than 4 persons on roads. Wholesale arrests were made even of those not on the roads yet.

Almost the entire country was put in a strait jacket by the simple expedient of expropriating all containers in sight - whether parked awaiting transport or in transit on roads - and placing them across all major arteries of the country (a la 12 May 08, Karachi) with particular attention paid to those connecting the four provinces and coming from any major city. The number of such containers was initially put at 5000 but later, as the operation progressed, the number given by a representative of transport business was 15000 to 20000.

Apart from the illegal and immoral highhandedness of the act, the loss to business and the country in terms of deliveries delayed, commitments to people within and outside the country not kept, damage to goods through clumsy unloading and dumping, it can only be called criminal. At least one death took place as a result of the inability of a seriously ill patient to reach a medical centre due to road blocks.

Thus marchers from Karachi were blocked at the toll gate on the Super Highway, arrested and otherwise prevented from proceeding along the Long March route. Ali Ahmed Kurd, President Supreme Court Bar Association was stopped on the Balochistan-Sindh border and had to spend a night stranded on the way. When he backtracked to Quetta and boarded, with a few others similarly headed, an aircraft bound for Islamabad, valid tickets in hand, the flight was cancelled.

He got on board on a subsequent flight with valid boarding cards but had to get off when it was conveyed that the flight could only start without him and his companions. Roads connecting NWFP and Punjab were likewise blocked. Even small towns and cities were cut off from other parts of the country.

Students were thrown out of hostels of colleges and universities to make way for stationing of policemen in their hundreds. Hundreds of Sindh policemen were put on a train at Karachi to join forces with their counterparts in Lahore and Islamabad. Of all the things, Basant was allegedly put to a very political use. Existing orders were reversed by Governor Taseer to allow people to engage in Basant activities (mainly kite flying) on 14 and 15 March.

This was supposed to have the effect of diverting people from possible participation in the Long March. It was alleged said that habitual criminals whose lists are maintained by the police and who are occasionally used by the police for various purposes, were pressed into activity to swell the numbers of those celebrating. It was also alleged that denizens of the Red Light area were also used to enliven the environment! How innovative can you get!

FAZLUR RAHMAN AND MQM - DISCORDANT NOTES Two bizarre developments were the responses to the Long March by Fazlur Rahman and the MQM which had a commonality. Fazlur Rahmans grandiose efforts at rapprochement between PPP and had failed and not surprisingly, since Fazlur Rahman has long been an opponent of the deposed CJP and has a long record of being always on the side of the rulers. His credentials for playing honest broker were therefore always suspect.

(His APDM partners have not forgotten how he tricked them and made sure on the sly that the NWFP Assembly was not dissolved before the elections that resulted in Musharraf getting elected again). He termed the Long March a Punjab Show and said the rest of the country was not involved and that the March was therefore a bad thing for the country.

His stance did not surprise any one and was largely ignored. MQMs response to Long March puzzled almost every one. Although the partys opposition to deposed CJP has been consistent, people were puzzled by its claim that anti Sindh Province slogans were raised by the Long Marchers.

Building on that bizarre accusation, MQM went on to give an ultimatum to its main coalition partner (PPP) to give a fitting response to the alleged slogans within 48 hours, else his party would consider parting ways with it! Now, millions were watching the Long March on TV on the fateful Sunday and no one appeared to have heard an anti Sindh slogan or chant by the marchers.

Neither any of the score or more of local channels reported hearing any such thing. The mood of the March was entirely different. MQMs claim and its disproportionate response left every one wondering, what was behind it all, just as MQMs rally, some days back, against alleged damage to Benazirs memorial structure at Rawalpindi by PML(N) workers (hotly denied by Nawaz Sharif in categorical terms) was seen as an over reaction not justified by the facts of the case. Perhaps, having been long in power now, MQM does not find many ready causes to espouse.

PART PLAYED BY ARMY, USA/UK Thanks to the media coverage of events connected with the Long March, people got a fair idea of who pulled the wires leading to a change of heart on the part of President Zardari.

A flurry of visits by Army Chief Kayani to the PM and the President, the American Ambassadors meetings with the President, the Prime Minister and Nawaz Sharif, the series of calls made by Mr Holbrooke, American special envoy for this unfortunate region, to every one concerned and finally US Secretary of State Clintons a no-nonsense call to the President in which there was a strong hint of financial American aid resuming only if and when the current crisis was settled (with her as guarantor, some said, of the agreement reached, in view of the state of mutual trust between Zardari and Nawaz Sharif) appeared to have pushed President Zardari to concede what he had been resisting tooth and nail. It was all so explicit and so well accepted by every one that we might as well call our country an American add-on!

NAWAZ SHARIFS NEW LOOK From the moment Nawaz Sharif took charge of the long march, defying orders for his house arrest, he appeared to be a new man! Gone was the hesitant look and manner and no longer was he at a loss for words. For a change he looked like a man who knew what he was doing and where he was headed.

If he were a political leader in America, anchor persons would be discussing his body language and analysing whether one kind of situation is more suited to his personality than another to bring out the strengths in him! Well, let us wait and see which is the real Nawaz Sharif! (owajid@yahoo.com)
 
.
19 March, 2009
by Ameer Bhutto

The ides of March have dealt the Zardari administration a crippling blow, not just on the judges’ issue but also on the fiasco in Punjab. The fact that nothing can stand in the way of the people once again stands emphatically proven.The People’s Party is now tripping over itself to claim credit for the restoration of the judges, saying that its government was fulfilling its promise to the nation, but it is too late for such claims. The judges were restored as a direct result of the irresistible display of public strength, not by the largesse of the People’s Party.

Zardari had already declared on television that he had no mandate from the people to restore the judges, and resisted doing so for almost a year. Also, many People’s Party leaders were recklessly predicting that the long march would fail and were ruthless in their attacks on the deposed chief justice and his supporters. For how long did they insist that the judges cannot be restored by executive order? After ordering a crackdown on the long-marchers, leading to thousands of arrests, baton charges and use of tear gas, how can they now claim credit for the restoration of the judiciary, as if this was done under their own initiative?

Democratic systems are sometimes identified by the noise and chaos that usually characterises the expression of this will, but there is method in this madness and only it can dispense political legitimacy. It unleashes creative forces that are vital for the linear development of legal, political and social systems and institutions. Anti-democratic forces too have a spirit that is recognisable by its propensity to stifle and smother the public will. It encourages the misuse of laws, like Section 144, and it drives regimes to restrict the media to conceal ugly realities from the people. Such measures reek of fear and desperation and are the last refuge of dictators.

This government has amply illustrated which side of the divide it stands on. The crackdown it ordered on the long march was reminiscent of the darkest days of martial law. How can a nation be stopped when it is mobilised? To give the masses cause for protest by continuing Musharraf’s laws and policies is bad enough, but to try to stop them from expressing their will by use of force only compounds the error, and borders on insanity. Even Musharraf had the elementary common sense to allow the long march to proceed. Though a head-on collision with the masses was avoided in the nick of time, how can this government still claim to be an awami government when it follows a path that conflicts with the aspirations of the people? People are the real masters in democracy, not politicians, and the role of the people is not limited to casting votes. The continued sanction of public will is a sine qua non for political legitimacy which this government has clearly lost. Taking on the people in defiance of this fundamental principle is to declare yourself free from and above all accepted norms and constraints of democratic conduct.

The People’s Party once produced statesmen. The new party leadership has dragged the calibre down to such a level that it is now synonymous with deceit and a total abandonment of principles. They are well on their way to achieving something that even Zia-ul-Haq and Musharraf failed to achieve–i.e., tarnish the political ascendancy of the party that the blood of the Shaheeds gave it. This new People’s Party is not the party of Shaheeds but the party of oppression, political arrests, baton charges, tear gas and governor’s rule. It suffers from a massive credibility crisis as no one is prepared to believe the party leader after he himself announced that his oaths and commitments should not be taken seriously. The ban on Geo Television has placed this government in closer ideological proximity to the Zia and Musharraf juntas than a representative democratic government. Has President Barak Obama banned Fox News for being a thorn in his side? Despite being the most powerful man on earth, he dare not trifle with the freedom of the press and media. The same goes for Tony Blaire, who had to tolerate jibes by the media that were often highly personal in nature. But the Zardari administration could not put up with Geo’s airing of Benazir Bhutto’s speeches that showed the world how far this government, which came into being in her name, has strayed from her mission.

Benazir had invited the International Republican Institute to come to Pakistan to expose Musharraf’s unpopularity by means of public surveys and opinion polls. But now, since Zardari has donned Musharraf’s mantle, the IRI’s surveys are no longer tolerable and it has been asked to pack up and get out of Pakistan. What remains in this new People’s Party that might justify its claim to be running a democratic government? Indeed, what remains in it that makes it recognisable as the party created by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and inherited by Benazir Bhutto? Even the man on whose complaint Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was hanged reportedly warrants a phone call of thanks from the party leader for his part in the Sharifs’ disqualification case. The timid silence of other People’s Party leaders, some of whom are men of political and social standing, is very sad. Hats off to Sherry Rehman for doing the right thing. But the others continue to stomach the stench just to keep their cushy jobs. What happened to all that grief-stricken chest beating of a year ago and their professed loyalty to Benazir Bhutto, in whose name they are enjoying the perks of power, but whose murder seems to have been forgiven and forgotten for the sake of power?

The question arises that with the nation aligned against it, on whose strength did the government hold out for so long before restoring the judges? The frantic diplomatic activity we witnessed in the run-up to the long march, with US ambassador Anne Patterson, White House special envoy Richard Hallbrooke, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and British foreign secretary David Milliband interceding in person and on the telephone between Zardari, Gillani and the Sharifs, provides a hint to the answer to this question. There is no getting away from the reality that Pakistan is of pivotal geo-political significance to the global interests of western powers, particularly with reference to their so-called war on terror. The influence they exert to achieve their ends permeates deep into the domestic affairs of Pakistan. The exercise of such influence has stunted the growth of viable legal and political institutions and systems which can be neither effective nor durable unless they are allowed to pass through natural rigors in order to mature. Western powers prefer to establish relations with pliable regimes rather than earn the respect and support of the people. In this, some of our politicians are eager accomplices for the sake of even short-lived power.

The restoration of the judges is the greatest victory for the masses in Pakistan since the popular uprising against Ayub and Yahya. But it is not enough. The surgical knife must plunge deeper to cut away every trace of the malignancy that afflicts the country. It is time for the government, or at least Zardari, along with his motley gang of advisors, to go. Whereas the people of Pakistan gave a clear illustration of their feelings for him in the long march, by now even his western benefactors must have realised the futility of vesting any hopes in him.

The gruesome spectacle that the nation witnessed on television in recent days, in which the Constitution and state institutions were subjected to one man’s whims, cannot be just swept under the rug and forgotten as if nothing had happened. Responsible people have to be held accountable. Heads must roll. In genuine democracies, governments have been known to fall on far lesser grounds than this. But we all know that resigning on matters of principles is a concept totally alien to most Pakistani politicians. Will it take another long march to make them see the writing on the wall?
 
.
19 March, 2009
by Ameer Bhutto

The ides of March have dealt the Zardari administration a crippling blow, not just on the judges’ issue but also on the fiasco in Punjab. The fact that nothing can stand in the way of the people once again stands emphatically proven.The People’s Party is now tripping over itself to claim credit for the restoration of the judges, saying that its government was fulfilling its promise to the nation, but it is too late for such claims. The judges were restored as a direct result of the irresistible display of public strength, not by the largesse of the People’s Party.

Zardari had already declared on television that he had no mandate from the people to restore the judges, and resisted doing so for almost a year. Also, many People’s Party leaders were recklessly predicting that the long march would fail and were ruthless in their attacks on the deposed chief justice and his supporters. For how long did they insist that the judges cannot be restored by executive order? After ordering a crackdown on the long-marchers, leading to thousands of arrests, baton charges and use of tear gas, how can they now claim credit for the restoration of the judiciary, as if this was done under their own initiative?

Democratic systems are sometimes identified by the noise and chaos that usually characterises the expression of this will, but there is method in this madness and only it can dispense political legitimacy. It unleashes creative forces that are vital for the linear development of legal, political and social systems and institutions. Anti-democratic forces too have a spirit that is recognisable by its propensity to stifle and smother the public will. It encourages the misuse of laws, like Section 144, and it drives regimes to restrict the media to conceal ugly realities from the people. Such measures reek of fear and desperation and are the last refuge of dictators.

This government has amply illustrated which side of the divide it stands on. The crackdown it ordered on the long march was reminiscent of the darkest days of martial law. How can a nation be stopped when it is mobilised? To give the masses cause for protest by continuing Musharraf’s laws and policies is bad enough, but to try to stop them from expressing their will by use of force only compounds the error, and borders on insanity. Even Musharraf had the elementary common sense to allow the long march to proceed. Though a head-on collision with the masses was avoided in the nick of time, how can this government still claim to be an awami government when it follows a path that conflicts with the aspirations of the people? People are the real masters in democracy, not politicians, and the role of the people is not limited to casting votes. The continued sanction of public will is a sine qua non for political legitimacy which this government has clearly lost. Taking on the people in defiance of this fundamental principle is to declare yourself free from and above all accepted norms and constraints of democratic conduct.

The People’s Party once produced statesmen. The new party leadership has dragged the calibre down to such a level that it is now synonymous with deceit and a total abandonment of principles. They are well on their way to achieving something that even Zia-ul-Haq and Musharraf failed to achieve–i.e., tarnish the political ascendancy of the party that the blood of the Shaheeds gave it. This new People’s Party is not the party of Shaheeds but the party of oppression, political arrests, baton charges, tear gas and governor’s rule. It suffers from a massive credibility crisis as no one is prepared to believe the party leader after he himself announced that his oaths and commitments should not be taken seriously. The ban on Geo Television has placed this government in closer ideological proximity to the Zia and Musharraf juntas than a representative democratic government. Has President Barak Obama banned Fox News for being a thorn in his side? Despite being the most powerful man on earth, he dare not trifle with the freedom of the press and media. The same goes for Tony Blaire, who had to tolerate jibes by the media that were often highly personal in nature. But the Zardari administration could not put up with Geo’s airing of Benazir Bhutto’s speeches that showed the world how far this government, which came into being in her name, has strayed from her mission.

Benazir had invited the International Republican Institute to come to Pakistan to expose Musharraf’s unpopularity by means of public surveys and opinion polls. But now, since Zardari has donned Musharraf’s mantle, the IRI’s surveys are no longer tolerable and it has been asked to pack up and get out of Pakistan. What remains in this new People’s Party that might justify its claim to be running a democratic government? Indeed, what remains in it that makes it recognisable as the party created by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and inherited by Benazir Bhutto? Even the man on whose complaint Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was hanged reportedly warrants a phone call of thanks from the party leader for his part in the Sharifs’ disqualification case. The timid silence of other People’s Party leaders, some of whom are men of political and social standing, is very sad. Hats off to Sherry Rehman for doing the right thing. But the others continue to stomach the stench just to keep their cushy jobs. What happened to all that grief-stricken chest beating of a year ago and their professed loyalty to Benazir Bhutto, in whose name they are enjoying the perks of power, but whose murder seems to have been forgiven and forgotten for the sake of power?

The question arises that with the nation aligned against it, on whose strength did the government hold out for so long before restoring the judges? The frantic diplomatic activity we witnessed in the run-up to the long march, with US ambassador Anne Patterson, White House special envoy Richard Hallbrooke, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and British foreign secretary David Milliband interceding in person and on the telephone between Zardari, Gillani and the Sharifs, provides a hint to the answer to this question. There is no getting away from the reality that Pakistan is of pivotal geo-political significance to the global interests of western powers, particularly with reference to their so-called war on terror. The influence they exert to achieve their ends permeates deep into the domestic affairs of Pakistan. The exercise of such influence has stunted the growth of viable legal and political institutions and systems which can be neither effective nor durable unless they are allowed to pass through natural rigors in order to mature. Western powers prefer to establish relations with pliable regimes rather than earn the respect and support of the people. In this, some of our politicians are eager accomplices for the sake of even short-lived power.

The restoration of the judges is the greatest victory for the masses in Pakistan since the popular uprising against Ayub and Yahya. But it is not enough. The surgical knife must plunge deeper to cut away every trace of the malignancy that afflicts the country. It is time for the government, or at least Zardari, along with his motley gang of advisors, to go. Whereas the people of Pakistan gave a clear illustration of their feelings for him in the long march, by now even his western benefactors must have realised the futility of vesting any hopes in him.

The gruesome spectacle that the nation witnessed on television in recent days, in which the Constitution and state institutions were subjected to one man’s whims, cannot be just swept under the rug and forgotten as if nothing had happened. Responsible people have to be held accountable. Heads must roll. In genuine democracies, governments have been known to fall on far lesser grounds than this. But we all know that resigning on matters of principles is a concept totally alien to most Pakistani politicians. Will it take another long march to make them see the writing on the wall?
 
.
The difference between President Zardari and Nawaz Sharif is vast one has policies that are completely against the benefit of Pakistan and one has atleast a few nationalistic views plus Nawaz Sharif is a very much loved candidate.

Did any action take place on the MQM issue though were any tapes shown and if yes then was any action taken?
 
.

Country Latest Posts

Back
Top Bottom