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MarveL
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Myanmar and Indonesia: Parallels in their modern histories
Last week, a delegation consisting of 16 members from four Karen ethnic resistance groups visited Indonesia's Aceh province. The Karen are one among eight ethnic groups in Myanmar, out of a total of 16, to have signed the National Ceasefire Agreement with Yangon.
This is not the first time Myanmar ethnic groups have included Aceh in their "lessons learnt" tour itinerary.
Several ethnic group representatives, government officials and military officers have gone to Aceh to study the post-conflict peace management.
I have been to Myanmar several times and met both the leadership and the grassroots levels of several ethnic resistance groups. At first, it seemed to me that there were hardly any similarities between them and Aceh.
Yet, when we discussed problems up close, I could not help but see similarities and, in turn, have come to realise that study tours like this one are indeed very valuable.
The question now is if the Myanmar military (above), guaranteed under the new Constitution to have 25 per cent of the seats in Parliament, will follow the example of the Indonesian generals and relinquish political privilege. PHOTO: REUTERS
Organised by the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, based in Siem Reap, Cambodia, the delegation was received in Aceh by the International Centre for Aceh and Indian Ocean Studies, an inter-university centre in Banda Aceh. The visitors were so impressed with what they saw in Aceh that they asked the tour organisers to arrange for a return visit as soon as possible, in order that they may learn how they could emulate the peace process there.
Since the end of World War II, Myanmar and Indonesia have been undergoing parallel political development, with the former seeming to follow one step behind. Indonesia proclaimed its independence in 1945, Myanmar in 1948. Both countries started off with democratic parliamentary systems of government.
When I look at Myanmar now, I cannot help feeling a sense of deja vu. Both countries achieved independence through a great struggle against imperialism and colonialism. The Indonesian people suffered severe poverty while their leaders concentrated on international issues, followed by a period of relative prosperity in conjunction with the degradation of democratic practices and human rights under military dictatorship, bloody suppression of popular upheavals and, finally, a return to democracy and a recognition of the rights of the many minority ethnic groups through decentralisation.
Like Indonesia before independence, Myanmar was fooled by the Japanese promise to help free the country from Western colonialism. But while the British granted independence to Myanmar, then Burma, through a process of negotiations, rather than brutal opposition as the Dutch did to Indonesia, the Burmese still came to hate colonialists and refused to join the British Commonwealth, aligning themselves to the leadership of the non-aligned countries.
Myanmar was once known as "the rice bowl" of South-east Asia. But when the constitutionally guaranteed autonomy did not materialise, widespread unrest occurred and, in 1958, the army took over under General Ne Win. He purged "communist sympathisers" and began to suppress the minorities with military force.
Elections in 1960 brought U Nu back as prime minister, but Gen Ne Win staged a coup in 1962 and the country's decline under military dictatorship began in earnest. As if emulating Indonesia, Myanmar nationalised all major industries without compensation.
In September 1987, a "demonetisation" measure left the people severely impoverished. The older generation of Indonesians would remember how, many years earlier, (their first president) Sukarno had done the same.
In 1988, driven by economic desperation, the people of Myanmar revolted. On Aug 8 that year, troops began firing into the crowds, eventually killing over 3,000 people.
Still, the resistance continued and forged alliances with ethnic resistance movements. In Rangoon (now Yangon), the daughter of founding father Aung San, Ms Aung San Suu Kyi, was approached to join the burgeoning democratic movement.
Her persistence and patience has finally paid off. Last year, her party won the general election in a landslide victory.
The rest is not yet history.
The question now is if the Myanmar military, guaranteed under the new Constitution to hold 25 per cent of the seats in Parliament (like Indonesia until 2004), will follow the example of the Indonesian generals and relinquish political privilege.
Indeed, one of the most important questions asked by a general at a seminar organised by the Habibie Centre in Jakarta a couple of years ago was how the Indonesian senior generals convinced their younger troops to give up their political privileges.
It seems that the old Myanmar generals have started to realise that their time is up, but they do not know how to stop riding the fat tigers that control the wealth of the country, especially jade trade with China. This is not overly different from the problem faced by the Indonesian military brass who control vast business interests all over the country.
Myanmar is indeed at a crossroads. Will it continue to follow in the footsteps of big brother Indonesia? Indonesian leaders, through Asean, could and should play a stronger role in persuading Myanmar's rulers to quickly emulate Indonesia.
With its vast natural resources, Myanmar has the potential to rise rapidly and join its more prosperous neighbours.
However, like Indonesia, it has to set its house in order first.
http://www.straitstimes.com/opinion/myanmar-and-indonesia-parallels-in-their-modern-histories
Last week, a delegation consisting of 16 members from four Karen ethnic resistance groups visited Indonesia's Aceh province. The Karen are one among eight ethnic groups in Myanmar, out of a total of 16, to have signed the National Ceasefire Agreement with Yangon.
This is not the first time Myanmar ethnic groups have included Aceh in their "lessons learnt" tour itinerary.
Several ethnic group representatives, government officials and military officers have gone to Aceh to study the post-conflict peace management.
I have been to Myanmar several times and met both the leadership and the grassroots levels of several ethnic resistance groups. At first, it seemed to me that there were hardly any similarities between them and Aceh.
Yet, when we discussed problems up close, I could not help but see similarities and, in turn, have come to realise that study tours like this one are indeed very valuable.
The question now is if the Myanmar military (above), guaranteed under the new Constitution to have 25 per cent of the seats in Parliament, will follow the example of the Indonesian generals and relinquish political privilege. PHOTO: REUTERS
Organised by the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, based in Siem Reap, Cambodia, the delegation was received in Aceh by the International Centre for Aceh and Indian Ocean Studies, an inter-university centre in Banda Aceh. The visitors were so impressed with what they saw in Aceh that they asked the tour organisers to arrange for a return visit as soon as possible, in order that they may learn how they could emulate the peace process there.
Since the end of World War II, Myanmar and Indonesia have been undergoing parallel political development, with the former seeming to follow one step behind. Indonesia proclaimed its independence in 1945, Myanmar in 1948. Both countries started off with democratic parliamentary systems of government.
When I look at Myanmar now, I cannot help feeling a sense of deja vu. Both countries achieved independence through a great struggle against imperialism and colonialism. The Indonesian people suffered severe poverty while their leaders concentrated on international issues, followed by a period of relative prosperity in conjunction with the degradation of democratic practices and human rights under military dictatorship, bloody suppression of popular upheavals and, finally, a return to democracy and a recognition of the rights of the many minority ethnic groups through decentralisation.
Like Indonesia before independence, Myanmar was fooled by the Japanese promise to help free the country from Western colonialism. But while the British granted independence to Myanmar, then Burma, through a process of negotiations, rather than brutal opposition as the Dutch did to Indonesia, the Burmese still came to hate colonialists and refused to join the British Commonwealth, aligning themselves to the leadership of the non-aligned countries.
Myanmar was once known as "the rice bowl" of South-east Asia. But when the constitutionally guaranteed autonomy did not materialise, widespread unrest occurred and, in 1958, the army took over under General Ne Win. He purged "communist sympathisers" and began to suppress the minorities with military force.
Elections in 1960 brought U Nu back as prime minister, but Gen Ne Win staged a coup in 1962 and the country's decline under military dictatorship began in earnest. As if emulating Indonesia, Myanmar nationalised all major industries without compensation.
In September 1987, a "demonetisation" measure left the people severely impoverished. The older generation of Indonesians would remember how, many years earlier, (their first president) Sukarno had done the same.
In 1988, driven by economic desperation, the people of Myanmar revolted. On Aug 8 that year, troops began firing into the crowds, eventually killing over 3,000 people.
Still, the resistance continued and forged alliances with ethnic resistance movements. In Rangoon (now Yangon), the daughter of founding father Aung San, Ms Aung San Suu Kyi, was approached to join the burgeoning democratic movement.
Her persistence and patience has finally paid off. Last year, her party won the general election in a landslide victory.
The rest is not yet history.
The question now is if the Myanmar military, guaranteed under the new Constitution to hold 25 per cent of the seats in Parliament (like Indonesia until 2004), will follow the example of the Indonesian generals and relinquish political privilege.
Indeed, one of the most important questions asked by a general at a seminar organised by the Habibie Centre in Jakarta a couple of years ago was how the Indonesian senior generals convinced their younger troops to give up their political privileges.
It seems that the old Myanmar generals have started to realise that their time is up, but they do not know how to stop riding the fat tigers that control the wealth of the country, especially jade trade with China. This is not overly different from the problem faced by the Indonesian military brass who control vast business interests all over the country.
Myanmar is indeed at a crossroads. Will it continue to follow in the footsteps of big brother Indonesia? Indonesian leaders, through Asean, could and should play a stronger role in persuading Myanmar's rulers to quickly emulate Indonesia.
With its vast natural resources, Myanmar has the potential to rise rapidly and join its more prosperous neighbours.
However, like Indonesia, it has to set its house in order first.
http://www.straitstimes.com/opinion/myanmar-and-indonesia-parallels-in-their-modern-histories
alaungphaya
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bongbang
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Myanmar business leader invites Bangladesh to fight together for US GSP
A leader of Myanmar garment producers has invited Bangladesh to work together in fighting global business challenges.
“Now there are many challenges in the world. TTP (Trans-Pacific Partnership) is coming. Why don’t we work together? We can fight together for US GSP,” Khine Khine Nwe Rosaline, Secretary General of Myanmar Garment Manufacturers Association, said in Dhaka.
Miran Ali, a director of Bangladesh garment association BGMEA, acknowledged the need for joint efforts and said he had already planned a visit to Myanmar.
“I’ll go to East Africa next week, and then I’ll go to Myanmar,” he said, replying to a question at the discussion.
The interaction on garment sector networking was part of the Bangladesh German Chamber of Commerce and Industry’s (BGCCI) conference on global social responsibility.
The Burmese business leader’s invitation was in contrast to its government’s policy towards Bangladesh.
Rohingya refugee issue has long been a thorn in relation with Myanmar denying the citizenship of the Muslim minorities who fled sectarian violence at Rakhine province and took shelter in Bangladesh in their thousands.
Bangladesh, which is looking for a gateway to Southeast Asia through Myanmar, is working to build confidence keeping aside the refugee issue, according to the foreign ministry officials.
Rosaline, however, found no problem between the businesses of the two countries.
“There is no mistrust between Myanmar business and Bangladesh business,” she told bdnews24.com on the sidelines.
“Working together can ultimately help build good relations between the countries,” she believed.
After decades of sanctions, Myanmar has recently been opened to businesses.
Currently, the country has around 400 garment factories that employ between 350,000 and 400,000 workers. Bangladesh’s nearly 3,500 factories employ about 4 million workers.
Myanmar exports $1.8 billion and has set a $10-billion-mark target for the next 10 years, while Bangladesh eyes doubling current exports to $50 billion by 2020.
But neither country enjoys the GSP privilege in the US market.
Bangladesh has voiced concerns over the recently formed TPP that Dhaka believes might “adversely impact” its exports to the US and some other TPP countries.
The TPP is a trade agreement among 12 Pacific Rim countries on a gamut of economic policy issue.
Referring to a proverb, the Burmese business leader said: “If you want to go fast you travel alone. If you want to go far, you travel in a group.”
“We have to go far and far in future. Let’s fight together,” she said, seeking Bangladesh’s partnership.
She said Bangladesh was “so much advanced” in the garment industry that “we want to learn the growth story”.
She said six months back they sent a delegation to visit Bangladesh’s factories and learn about business operations.
“We’ll send another delegation shortly,” she said.
She added that both countries must be “fully equipped” with proper business rules before embarking on a joint endeavour.
Myanmar business leader invites Bangladesh to fight together for US GSP -
bdnews24.com
A leader of Myanmar garment producers has invited Bangladesh to work together in fighting global business challenges.
“Now there are many challenges in the world. TTP (Trans-Pacific Partnership) is coming. Why don’t we work together? We can fight together for US GSP,” Khine Khine Nwe Rosaline, Secretary General of Myanmar Garment Manufacturers Association, said in Dhaka.
Miran Ali, a director of Bangladesh garment association BGMEA, acknowledged the need for joint efforts and said he had already planned a visit to Myanmar.
“I’ll go to East Africa next week, and then I’ll go to Myanmar,” he said, replying to a question at the discussion.
The interaction on garment sector networking was part of the Bangladesh German Chamber of Commerce and Industry’s (BGCCI) conference on global social responsibility.
The Burmese business leader’s invitation was in contrast to its government’s policy towards Bangladesh.
Rohingya refugee issue has long been a thorn in relation with Myanmar denying the citizenship of the Muslim minorities who fled sectarian violence at Rakhine province and took shelter in Bangladesh in their thousands.
Bangladesh, which is looking for a gateway to Southeast Asia through Myanmar, is working to build confidence keeping aside the refugee issue, according to the foreign ministry officials.
Rosaline, however, found no problem between the businesses of the two countries.
“There is no mistrust between Myanmar business and Bangladesh business,” she told bdnews24.com on the sidelines.
“Working together can ultimately help build good relations between the countries,” she believed.
After decades of sanctions, Myanmar has recently been opened to businesses.
Currently, the country has around 400 garment factories that employ between 350,000 and 400,000 workers. Bangladesh’s nearly 3,500 factories employ about 4 million workers.
Myanmar exports $1.8 billion and has set a $10-billion-mark target for the next 10 years, while Bangladesh eyes doubling current exports to $50 billion by 2020.
But neither country enjoys the GSP privilege in the US market.
Bangladesh has voiced concerns over the recently formed TPP that Dhaka believes might “adversely impact” its exports to the US and some other TPP countries.
The TPP is a trade agreement among 12 Pacific Rim countries on a gamut of economic policy issue.
Referring to a proverb, the Burmese business leader said: “If you want to go fast you travel alone. If you want to go far, you travel in a group.”
“We have to go far and far in future. Let’s fight together,” she said, seeking Bangladesh’s partnership.
She said Bangladesh was “so much advanced” in the garment industry that “we want to learn the growth story”.
She said six months back they sent a delegation to visit Bangladesh’s factories and learn about business operations.
“We’ll send another delegation shortly,” she said.
She added that both countries must be “fully equipped” with proper business rules before embarking on a joint endeavour.
Myanmar business leader invites Bangladesh to fight together for US GSP -
bdnews24.com
alaungphaya
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Myanmar and Indonesia: Parallels in their modern histories
Last week, a delegation consisting of 16 members from four Karen ethnic resistance groups visited Indonesia's Aceh province. The Karen are one among eight ethnic groups in Myanmar, out of a total of 16, to have signed the National Ceasefire Agreement with Yangon.
This is not the first time Myanmar ethnic groups have included Aceh in their "lessons learnt" tour itinerary.
Several ethnic group representatives, government officials and military officers have gone to Aceh to study the post-conflict peace management.
I have been to Myanmar several times and met both the leadership and the grassroots levels of several ethnic resistance groups. At first, it seemed to me that there were hardly any similarities between them and Aceh.
Yet, when we discussed problems up close, I could not help but see similarities and, in turn, have come to realise that study tours like this one are indeed very valuable.
The question now is if the Myanmar military (above), guaranteed under the new Constitution to have 25 per cent of the seats in Parliament, will follow the example of the Indonesian generals and relinquish political privilege. PHOTO: REUTERS
Organised by the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, based in Siem Reap, Cambodia, the delegation was received in Aceh by the International Centre for Aceh and Indian Ocean Studies, an inter-university centre in Banda Aceh. The visitors were so impressed with what they saw in Aceh that they asked the tour organisers to arrange for a return visit as soon as possible, in order that they may learn how they could emulate the peace process there.
Since the end of World War II, Myanmar and Indonesia have been undergoing parallel political development, with the former seeming to follow one step behind. Indonesia proclaimed its independence in 1945, Myanmar in 1948. Both countries started off with democratic parliamentary systems of government.
When I look at Myanmar now, I cannot help feeling a sense of deja vu. Both countries achieved independence through a great struggle against imperialism and colonialism. The Indonesian people suffered severe poverty while their leaders concentrated on international issues, followed by a period of relative prosperity in conjunction with the degradation of democratic practices and human rights under military dictatorship, bloody suppression of popular upheavals and, finally, a return to democracy and a recognition of the rights of the many minority ethnic groups through decentralisation.
Like Indonesia before independence, Myanmar was fooled by the Japanese promise to help free the country from Western colonialism. But while the British granted independence to Myanmar, then Burma, through a process of negotiations, rather than brutal opposition as the Dutch did to Indonesia, the Burmese still came to hate colonialists and refused to join the British Commonwealth, aligning themselves to the leadership of the non-aligned countries.
Myanmar was once known as "the rice bowl" of South-east Asia. But when the constitutionally guaranteed autonomy did not materialise, widespread unrest occurred and, in 1958, the army took over under General Ne Win. He purged "communist sympathisers" and began to suppress the minorities with military force.
Elections in 1960 brought U Nu back as prime minister, but Gen Ne Win staged a coup in 1962 and the country's decline under military dictatorship began in earnest. As if emulating Indonesia, Myanmar nationalised all major industries without compensation.
In September 1987, a "demonetisation" measure left the people severely impoverished. The older generation of Indonesians would remember how, many years earlier, (their first president) Sukarno had done the same.
In 1988, driven by economic desperation, the people of Myanmar revolted. On Aug 8 that year, troops began firing into the crowds, eventually killing over 3,000 people.
Still, the resistance continued and forged alliances with ethnic resistance movements. In Rangoon (now Yangon), the daughter of founding father Aung San, Ms Aung San Suu Kyi, was approached to join the burgeoning democratic movement.
Her persistence and patience has finally paid off. Last year, her party won the general election in a landslide victory.
The rest is not yet history.
The question now is if the Myanmar military, guaranteed under the new Constitution to hold 25 per cent of the seats in Parliament (like Indonesia until 2004), will follow the example of the Indonesian generals and relinquish political privilege.
Indeed, one of the most important questions asked by a general at a seminar organised by the Habibie Centre in Jakarta a couple of years ago was how the Indonesian senior generals convinced their younger troops to give up their political privileges.
It seems that the old Myanmar generals have started to realise that their time is up, but they do not know how to stop riding the fat tigers that control the wealth of the country, especially jade trade with China. This is not overly different from the problem faced by the Indonesian military brass who control vast business interests all over the country.
Myanmar is indeed at a crossroads. Will it continue to follow in the footsteps of big brother Indonesia? Indonesian leaders, through Asean, could and should play a stronger role in persuading Myanmar's rulers to quickly emulate Indonesia.
With its vast natural resources, Myanmar has the potential to rise rapidly and join its more prosperous neighbours.
However, like Indonesia, it has to set its house in order first.
Myanmar and Indonesia: Parallels in their modern histories, Opinion News & Top Stories - The Straits Times
I agree with a lot of that. Indonesia and Myanmar have a number of similarities. We also have a strong sense of shared history. Burma did more than any other country in the region to support the post-Dutch independence movement such as the airlift of '49. But what that article fails to mention is that Indonesia achieved independence (1949) after Burma (1948), that we had a parliamentary democracy from the get go in 1948 - 1962 and that Suharto, who came after Sukarno, actually looked up to our Socialist-Nationalist Ne Win and not the other way around.
I support that.
pr1v4t33r
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The Dutch was forced to recognised Indonesia independent in 1949, pressed by the republic of Indonesia's military act and diplomatic force (backed by International power). But Indonesia cunningly proclaimed it's independence in 1945. We even succeed to seized the Netherlands New Guinea in 1963. And annexed East Timor in 1975
Soeharto as far as i know was not a socialist. That's Soekarno with his NASAKOM (Nationalist, Religion, Communist). Soeharto purged communist movement in 1960's in such a scale that still leave us trembling today.
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MarveL
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You should check the history lesson again, lad . Indonesia achieved independence at August 17th 1945.
Historically, Myanmar's current situation is similar to the period after the fall of President Suharto in Indonesia, which has an effect on the formation of representative institutions that is more representative for the people. In addition, both located in the Southeast Asian region and struggled with issues of diversity.
alaungphaya
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You should check the history lesson again, lad . Indonesia achieved independence at August 17th 1945.
Historically, Myanmar's current situation is similar to the period after the fall of President Suharto in Indonesia, which has an effect on the formation of representative institutions that is more representative for the people. In addition, both located in the Southeast Asian region and struggled with issues of diversity.
Don't call me lad, son. Indonesia declared independence in 1945 but did not achieve it from the Dutch until 1949, practically 1950. In the conflict of the interrim, we Burmese flew an escorted DC-3 full of materiel to support you Indos that the Dutch declined to intercept.
Your other point is correct.
The Dutch was forced to recognised Indonesia independent in 1949, pressed by the republic of Indonesia's military act and diplomatic force (backed by International power). But Indonesia cunningly proclaimed it's independence in 1945. We even succeed to seized the Netherlands New Guinea in 1963. And annexed East Timor in 1975
Soeharto as far as i know was not a socialist. That's Soekarno with his NASAKOM (Nationalist, Religion, Communist). Soeharto purged communist movement in 1960's in such a scale that still leave us trembling today.
As far as I understand, Suharto wasn't a communist but he nationalised a number of industries an he saw himself as a sort of military strongman, much like Ne Win, and modeled the centralised, military-led economy on our own. He even rose to power in a similar way to Ne Win.
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pr1v4t33r
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Any reading material to back up your post?
Indonesia self proclaimed and achieved independence in 1945. What happened afterward was a series of war to guard and defend our independence. Dutch didn't hand over independence to Indonesia, but Indonesia seized our right for independence. They were forced to back down and leave their illegal invasion effort empty handed, even with bleeding eye when Soekarno seized and nationalized all Dutch companies in Indonesia.
Soeharto was a strong opponent for industry nationalization movement that taken place with a masive scale in Soekarno era. He was a general, thus very understandable to read his military strongman persona. But unlike Ne Win who's never trust his civilian counterpart that lead to ultimate economic failure, Soeharto was clever enough to form a brillian economic team "the Barkeley Mafia" that propelled Indonesia as the ASEAN Economic Tiger.
here some old archive regarding Ne Win, Soeharto, Myanmar and Indonesia
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alaungphaya
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Not on Google at any rate. But there is litetature out there as I remember reading it. But yes, Suharto was more outward looking than Ne Win. But my point is the military became the central agent in the economy as was in Burma. And more than the similarity of them being both generals, they came to power in similar circumstances in that they had initial support and legitimacy to replace either corrupt (Indo) or dysfunctional (Myanmar) governements.
By the way that article from the 90's you quoted was quite amusing. I take it it was before autumn 1997?
MarveL
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you are too old, than. Alrighty grandpa.
indeed. thats why we are using word "achieved" independence than use word "got" independence day.
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alaungphaya
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you are too old, than. Alrighty grandpa.
I'm too young to be granpa but too old to read comic books.
Either definition, de facto independence was in Dec 1949.
tarpitz
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Myanmar to buy Russian Yak-130 training aircraft
According to the published Corporation “Irkut” the schedule of purchases for 2016 in a number of export customers combat training aircraft Yak-130 in the middle of last year has been refilled. June 22, 2015 signed a contract № P / 1510411150511 for the supply of aircraft Yak-130 and the consignee of the property “104” (Myanmar).
It is possible that the delivery of the first aircraft under the contract will start in 2016. As a corporation for the current year is a contract with the 420 military representation for quality control and acceptance of products under contract. In addition, before the end of 2017 on the territory of Myanmar should be deployed specialized simulator combat use of the Yak-130.
On the manifestation of interest on the part of Myanmar to the plane Yak-130 was reported back in 2012, when it was held a demonstration flight experienced combat training Yak-130 with pilot g / n 104. Thus, Myanmar will be the fourth export customer for the Yak-130 after Algeria, Belarus and Bangladesh. In addition, still not fully clear the fate of the “frozen” contract for 36 aircraft to Syria. In the fall of 2015 in a number of media reports about renewal of the contract, have not yet found its confirmation.
Myanmar to buy Russian Yak-130 training aircraft | Defence blog
According to the published Corporation “Irkut” the schedule of purchases for 2016 in a number of export customers combat training aircraft Yak-130 in the middle of last year has been refilled. June 22, 2015 signed a contract № P / 1510411150511 for the supply of aircraft Yak-130 and the consignee of the property “104” (Myanmar).
It is possible that the delivery of the first aircraft under the contract will start in 2016. As a corporation for the current year is a contract with the 420 military representation for quality control and acceptance of products under contract. In addition, before the end of 2017 on the territory of Myanmar should be deployed specialized simulator combat use of the Yak-130.
On the manifestation of interest on the part of Myanmar to the plane Yak-130 was reported back in 2012, when it was held a demonstration flight experienced combat training Yak-130 with pilot g / n 104. Thus, Myanmar will be the fourth export customer for the Yak-130 after Algeria, Belarus and Bangladesh. In addition, still not fully clear the fate of the “frozen” contract for 36 aircraft to Syria. In the fall of 2015 in a number of media reports about renewal of the contract, have not yet found its confirmation.
Myanmar to buy Russian Yak-130 training aircraft | Defence blog
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