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Is there a Modi wave or is Modi riding a wave for change?

Sanjana

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Is there a Modi wave or is Modi riding a wave for change?
If the civil society movements are any indication, the popular imagination of “change” goes beyond BJP’s interpretation of the same
DR M. MANISHA, APRIL 17 2014

As people in 13 states go to the polling booth today (April 17), the large turnout of voters in all the phases, especially in crucial states of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, indicates the intensity of the 2014 electoral battle. If this trend of high voter turnout continues then this election may go down in history as a landmark in India’s democratic process.

Voter interest in these elections has given a fillip to the argument that there is Modi wave throughout the country. Is it really so?

High turnout is not a new phenomenon in Indian politics. After the low turnouts in the first three general elections, from the 1967 onwards voters turn out has always been above 55 percent. In particular the 1984, 1989, and 1996 elections saw large participation of the electorate. The 1984 elections, held in the aftermath of Indira Gandhi’s assassination, generated a wave of sympathy for the Congress. This, together with the youthful personality of Rajiv Gandhi, fuelled the popular imagination and resulted in large scale turnout. It is therefore not surprising that the Congress got its largest ever victory, with 76 percent seats and 48 percent of the votes.

Voter turnout in the 1989 was more a negative response to the charges of corruption raised by VP Singh in the Bofors gun deal case. It could be interpreted as a product of people’s misgivings – their dissatisfaction. It was a testimony that the issue of corruption evokes response from across all sections of the society and can be powerful motivator for participation. Since 1996 the above average turnouts have largely been the consequence of political assertion of Dalits, Muslims and women, particularly in the northern and north-western states of India, propelled by the large number of state parties that mobilized the people.

The 2014 election, however, appears to be different. Most obviously, the 2014 elections are being held at a time of severe economic turmoil. Inflation is high, and corruption has made the achievements of UPA-II look paper-thin. The government is perceived as being non–responsive, not just in economic matters but also on issues of law, security, and social justice. Multiple centers of power and lack of effective decision making have added to the woes of UPA-II. To top it all, the government is led by person who is seen as powerless in the in his own Cabinet. Manmohan Singh’s inability to take tough action on charges of corruption was the starting point of BJP’s campaign and continues to be its main plank. However, ineffective government, corruption charges, inflation and price rise are not unique to 2014.

This election has seen a renewed interest of all and particularly the middle classes – who have hitherto been reluctant participants – in the political process.

Though detailed figures of electoral participation are yet to be released, the large number of social activists, crusaders, academics and professionals who are in the fray, is itself indicative of the middle class interest. Interestingly, the 2014 elections were preceded by a series of civil society movements that saw large scale participation by the middle classes. The elections only appear to be the extension of the same exercise.

The 2014 elections seem to have become not just a democratic exercise but a patriotic exercise, a responsibility that cannot be taken lightly anymore. It has been built up as an exercise at “systemic change”, an exercise to rebuild the system anew and rid it of all negatives. The “systemic change” wave was initiated by the Anna Hazare’s movement in favour of the jan lokpal bill. The large number of young and would-be first-time voters eager to make a mark turned supporters of this movement and it not surprising that most of the volunteers for the Anna Hazare movement were young. Though the movement ultimately petered out the AAP that was born out of the movement rode on these sentiments to come to power in Delhi.

The BJP seems to have seized this plank. Its advertising campaign has harped on the need for change. The ‘din badlane wale hain’ series of television commercials clearly hints at this. BJP leaders have left no opportunity to reiterate that “voters want change”. However, what is change and how does BJP propose to bring about this change has been interpreted in number of ways by the party itself: change of government, change of leadership, development, efficiency, etc. Whether all these interpretations together constitute the “change” that the electorate wants is debatable. If the civil society movements are any indication, the popular imagination of “change” goes beyond BJP’s interpretation of the same.

There is no doubt that Narendra Modi seems to be riding on a wave. But, perhaps, what has gone unnoticed is that it is not the Modi wave that is sweeping the country; rather it is Modi who seems to be riding on a democratic wave for change.

Please google for the link, I cannot post it.
 
Is there a Modi wave or is Modi riding a wave for change?
If the civil society movements are any indication, the popular imagination of “change” goes beyond BJP’s interpretation of the same
DR M. MANISHA, APRIL 17 2014

As people in 13 states go to the polling booth today (April 17), the large turnout of voters in all the phases, especially in crucial states of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, indicates the intensity of the 2014 electoral battle. If this trend of high voter turnout continues then this election may go down in history as a landmark in India’s democratic process.

Voter interest in these elections has given a fillip to the argument that there is Modi wave throughout the country. Is it really so?

High turnout is not a new phenomenon in Indian politics. After the low turnouts in the first three general elections, from the 1967 onwards voters turn out has always been above 55 percent. In particular the 1984, 1989, and 1996 elections saw large participation of the electorate. The 1984 elections, held in the aftermath of Indira Gandhi’s assassination, generated a wave of sympathy for the Congress. This, together with the youthful personality of Rajiv Gandhi, fuelled the popular imagination and resulted in large scale turnout. It is therefore not surprising that the Congress got its largest ever victory, with 76 percent seats and 48 percent of the votes.

Voter turnout in the 1989 was more a negative response to the charges of corruption raised by VP Singh in the Bofors gun deal case. It could be interpreted as a product of people’s misgivings – their dissatisfaction. It was a testimony that the issue of corruption evokes response from across all sections of the society and can be powerful motivator for participation. Since 1996 the above average turnouts have largely been the consequence of political assertion of Dalits, Muslims and women, particularly in the northern and north-western states of India, propelled by the large number of state parties that mobilized the people.

The 2014 election, however, appears to be different. Most obviously, the 2014 elections are being held at a time of severe economic turmoil. Inflation is high, and corruption has made the achievements of UPA-II look paper-thin. The government is perceived as being non–responsive, not just in economic matters but also on issues of law, security, and social justice. Multiple centers of power and lack of effective decision making have added to the woes of UPA-II. To top it all, the government is led by person who is seen as powerless in the in his own Cabinet. Manmohan Singh’s inability to take tough action on charges of corruption was the starting point of BJP’s campaign and continues to be its main plank. However, ineffective government, corruption charges, inflation and price rise are not unique to 2014.

This election has seen a renewed interest of all and particularly the middle classes – who have hitherto been reluctant participants – in the political process.

Though detailed figures of electoral participation are yet to be released, the large number of social activists, crusaders, academics and professionals who are in the fray, is itself indicative of the middle class interest. Interestingly, the 2014 elections were preceded by a series of civil society movements that saw large scale participation by the middle classes. The elections only appear to be the extension of the same exercise.

The 2014 elections seem to have become not just a democratic exercise but a patriotic exercise, a responsibility that cannot be taken lightly anymore. It has been built up as an exercise at “systemic change”, an exercise to rebuild the system anew and rid it of all negatives. The “systemic change” wave was initiated by the Anna Hazare’s movement in favour of the jan lokpal bill. The large number of young and would-be first-time voters eager to make a mark turned supporters of this movement and it not surprising that most of the volunteers for the Anna Hazare movement were young. Though the movement ultimately petered out the AAP that was born out of the movement rode on these sentiments to come to power in Delhi.

The BJP seems to have seized this plank. Its advertising campaign has harped on the need for change. The ‘din badlane wale hain’ series of television commercials clearly hints at this. BJP leaders have left no opportunity to reiterate that “voters want change”. However, what is change and how does BJP propose to bring about this change has been interpreted in number of ways by the party itself: change of government, change of leadership, development, efficiency, etc. Whether all these interpretations together constitute the “change” that the electorate wants is debatable. If the civil society movements are any indication, the popular imagination of “change” goes beyond BJP’s interpretation of the same.

There is no doubt that Narendra Modi seems to be riding on a wave. But, perhaps, what has gone unnoticed is that it is not the Modi wave that is sweeping the country; rather it is Modi who seems to be riding on a democratic wave for change.

Please google for the link, I cannot post it.
Please indroduce yourself in member introduction thread first
 
@Sanjana
instead of introducing urself u open a new thread.....
buddy,..apne ko Introduce to karo....
 
Hope you have realized that there is a way to discuss things in a defense forum. There is a difference between facebook and this.

Facebook is not for discussion, and the topic I want to highlight is not exactly political, what I am saying is that modi was there in 2004 & 2009 elections also, Gujrat was successful in 2009 also, the recent hype for Modi is nothing but peoples' desperate attempt to get rid of the inefficient & corrupt Congress government. Why are you so angry?
 
Facebook is not for discussion, and the topic I want to highlight is not exactly political, what I am saying is that modi was there in 2004 & 2009 elections also, Gujrat was successful in 2009 also, the recent hype for Modi is nothing but peoples' desperate attempt to get rid of the inefficient & corrupt Congress government. Why are you so angry?

Nope, that isn't entirely true, as it is true there is anger against Congress, but if you remove Modi from picture, even BJP din't offer an alternative solution. If today, BJP/NDA is comfortably closing in towards 272+ than its because of the excess votes that Modi has brought to NDA from the people who were sitting on the fence. Otherwise you would have seen a hung assembly & thus a formation of a TF govt.

Why else do you think every party, every leader is targetting just one man. Do you really think BJP had any other leader than Modi who could have gathered so much crowd? even BJP candidates are not asking votes on anti-congress/ & pro BJP basis, but just on basis of MODI. I heard in Banglore that a lady in polling booth shouted at poll officials - "where is the button for Modi?".

In 1983, West Indies had become weaker certainly, but we needed a Kapil Dev to win the world cup.
 
Is there a Modi wave or is Modi riding a wave for change?
If the civil society movements are any indication, the popular imagination of “change” goes beyond BJP’s interpretation of the same
DR M. MANISHA, APRIL 17 2014

As people in 13 states go to the polling booth today (April 17), the large turnout of voters in all the phases, especially in crucial states of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, indicates the intensity of the 2014 electoral battle. If this trend of high voter turnout continues then this election may go down in history as a landmark in India’s democratic process.

Voter interest in these elections has given a fillip to the argument that there is Modi wave throughout the country. Is it really so?

High turnout is not a new phenomenon in Indian politics. After the low turnouts in the first three general elections, from the 1967 onwards voters turn out has always been above 55 percent. In particular the 1984, 1989, and 1996 elections saw large participation of the electorate. The 1984 elections, held in the aftermath of Indira Gandhi’s assassination, generated a wave of sympathy for the Congress. This, together with the youthful personality of Rajiv Gandhi, fuelled the popular imagination and resulted in large scale turnout. It is therefore not surprising that the Congress got its largest ever victory, with 76 percent seats and 48 percent of the votes.

Voter turnout in the 1989 was more a negative response to the charges of corruption raised by VP Singh in the Bofors gun deal case. It could be interpreted as a product of people’s misgivings – their dissatisfaction. It was a testimony that the issue of corruption evokes response from across all sections of the society and can be powerful motivator for participation. Since 1996 the above average turnouts have largely been the consequence of political assertion of Dalits, Muslims and women, particularly in the northern and north-western states of India, propelled by the large number of state parties that mobilized the people.

The 2014 election, however, appears to be different. Most obviously, the 2014 elections are being held at a time of severe economic turmoil. Inflation is high, and corruption has made the achievements of UPA-II look paper-thin. The government is perceived as being non–responsive, not just in economic matters but also on issues of law, security, and social justice. Multiple centers of power and lack of effective decision making have added to the woes of UPA-II. To top it all, the government is led by person who is seen as powerless in the in his own Cabinet. Manmohan Singh’s inability to take tough action on charges of corruption was the starting point of BJP’s campaign and continues to be its main plank. However, ineffective government, corruption charges, inflation and price rise are not unique to 2014.

This election has seen a renewed interest of all and particularly the middle classes – who have hitherto been reluctant participants – in the political process.

Though detailed figures of electoral participation are yet to be released, the large number of social activists, crusaders, academics and professionals who are in the fray, is itself indicative of the middle class interest. Interestingly, the 2014 elections were preceded by a series of civil society movements that saw large scale participation by the middle classes. The elections only appear to be the extension of the same exercise.

The 2014 elections seem to have become not just a democratic exercise but a patriotic exercise, a responsibility that cannot be taken lightly anymore. It has been built up as an exercise at “systemic change”, an exercise to rebuild the system anew and rid it of all negatives. The “systemic change” wave was initiated by the Anna Hazare’s movement in favour of the jan lokpal bill. The large number of young and would-be first-time voters eager to make a mark turned supporters of this movement and it not surprising that most of the volunteers for the Anna Hazare movement were young. Though the movement ultimately petered out the AAP that was born out of the movement rode on these sentiments to come to power in Delhi.

The BJP seems to have seized this plank. Its advertising campaign has harped on the need for change. The ‘din badlane wale hain’ series of television commercials clearly hints at this. BJP leaders have left no opportunity to reiterate that “voters want change”. However, what is change and how does BJP propose to bring about this change has been interpreted in number of ways by the party itself: change of government, change of leadership, development, efficiency, etc. Whether all these interpretations together constitute the “change” that the electorate wants is debatable. If the civil society movements are any indication, the popular imagination of “change” goes beyond BJP’s interpretation of the same.

There is no doubt that Narendra Modi seems to be riding on a wave. But, perhaps, what has gone unnoticed is that it is not the Modi wave that is sweeping the country; rather it is Modi who seems to be riding on a democratic wave for change.

Please google for the link, I cannot post it.


sanjana ji nice thaout specially the last line

now having said that thing is democracy means govt of the people by the pople and for the people not "worshipping certain politcal family"

so thing is BJP is doing what any true damocratik party would have done = to raise peoples issues and make a "strong opinion" based on that and try to bring change

cause onli change and death are always constant realities

as for

There is no doubt that Narendra Modi seems to be riding on a wave. But, perhaps, what has gone unnoticed is that it is not the Modi wave that is sweeping the country; rather it is Modi who seems to be riding on a democratic wave for change.

wo kehte hain na

"kan ko seedhe haath se pakro ya ulte haath se pakra to kaan hit jata hai"
;)

 
Nope, that isn't entirely true, as it is true there is anger against Congress, but if you remove Modi from picture, even BJP din't offer an alternative solution. If today, BJP/NDA is comfortably closing in towards 272+ than its because of the excess votes that Modi has brought to NDA from the people who were sitting on the fence. Otherwise you would have seen a hung assembly & thus a formation of a TF govt.

Why else do you think every party, every leader is targetting just one man. Do you really think BJP had any other leader than Modi who could have gathered so much crowd? even BJP candidates are not asking votes on anti-congress/ & pro BJP basis, but just on basis of MODI. I heard in Banglore that a lady in polling booth shouted at poll officials - "where is the button for Modi?".

In 1983, West Indies had become weaker certainly, but we needed a Kapil Dev to win the world cup.

I like Arun Jaitley more, he is a good speaker, intelligent, and has better secular image than Modi. It is because of Modi some people are equating support for BJP = support for communalism and rise of Hindu India.
 
I like Arun Jaitley more, he is a good speaker, intelligent, and has better secular image than Modi. It is because of Modi some people are equating support for BJP = support for communalism and rise of Hindu India.
sanjana ji Modi is nothing had there been jaitley or ecen some one like sriti irani in place of Modi the response of so called "secular parties paid media" would have been same cause any one who is against there opinion and interests and to whome they despite every dirty trick in the book cant make him surrender they will maliagne him or her like that
 
I like Arun Jaitley more, he is a good speaker, intelligent, and has better secular image than Modi. It is because of Modi some people are equating support for BJP = support for communalism and rise of Hindu India.

LOL, do you think if Jaitley was declared PM candidate than there was no secular-communal debate??

Try to understand Congress' strategy, they have done nothing in past 10 years that they can go to Indian voters & ask for votes on. The only thing they can do now is that they can declare the alternative as communal while giving themselves the certificate of most secular party in India.

Do you remember why Vajpayee was not getting support earlier? Why his govt. fell two times before he was successful the third time? I am sure that you agree Vajpayee was the most "SECULAR" leader of BJP.

Stop trying to look the picture through Congress' glass. The debate was never Secular-Communal rather on real issues, its just that Congress want us to see the other way.
 
Facebook is not for discussion, and the topic I want to highlight is not exactly political, what I am saying is that modi was there in 2004 & 2009 elections also, Gujrat was successful in 2009 also, the recent hype for Modi is nothing but peoples' desperate attempt to get rid of the inefficient & corrupt Congress government. Why are you so angry?
Vote for Congress. Save secularism. The day Modi comes to power, all Muslims and other minorities in India are going to become automatically second class citizens. At least break BJP into three parts - one by communal Modi, one by Jaitley and other by Advani.

Why am I angry?
This is me -
zanjeer.jpg

:P
 
@arp2041 behen Zakira vapis aa gayi lagta hai :lol::lol::lol:

Who is behen zakira?

Vote for Congress. Save secularism. The day Modi comes to power, all Muslims and other minorities in India are going to become automatically second class citizens. At least break BJP into three parts - one by communal Modi, one by Jaitley and other by Advani.

Why am I angry?
This is me -
zanjeer.jpg

:P

amitabh bacchan was angry on villains, I am not a villain or a vamp.
 
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