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noksss
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May be they were not allowed to celebrate Diwali inside the jail so as a revenge they have decided to join some social organizations like SIMI/IM/Let/JeM/ISIS to produce and blast Diwali Crackers in some public places . But the biggest point is how intolerant the Modi government is to not allow these guys to blast Diwali crackers
kadamba-warrior
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I have a theory that in India, every well-meaning social movements give birth to opportunistic parties that only feed on the despair and anger of the gullible people like vultures.
JP movement directly or indirectly gave birth to Mandal politics that is still feeding on the less fortunate people of backward classes while doing absolutely NOTHING to elevate their living standards.
Anna's anti-corruption movement gave rise to AAP that not only hijacked the whole moment against corruption, but also embraced the very people that they were supposed to fight - both literally and figuratively!
AAP has totally destroyed any credibility that was left for fight against corruption. From now on, people will only look with suspicion if anybody claims to be fighting against corruption - just the way people feel nauseated by Mandal parties that play castiest politics in the garb of fighting for the socially down-trodden.
IndoCarib
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Army Veteran Encouraged To Commit Suicide? Sources Say Probe Needed
http://www.ndtv.com/india-news/army...probe-needed-1620668?pfrom=home-lateststories
I knew it. Congress desperately needed a weapon to corner govt after BJP's surgical strike gloat
http://www.ndtv.com/india-news/army...probe-needed-1620668?pfrom=home-lateststories
I knew it. Congress desperately needed a weapon to corner govt after BJP's surgical strike gloat
Last edited:
Then right wingers should embrace adharma in dealing with threats to their existence.
The modus-operandi of Christians has remain unchanged for two millenniums. Even during reign of Hadrian ,full 239 years before Christians were able to convert a Roman emperor and 257 years before Christians declared practice of Roman religions punishable by death, Pliny the younger reported Christians attacking sacrifice rituals to Roman gods, and subsequent fall in those sacrifices in outer provinces (Judea, Cappadoica, and Osroene) due to activities of Christians.
Destroying a society from within, weakening a religion by attacking its rituals and spirituality, shaming people into abandoning their religion by fear mongering and propaganda has been modus-operandi of Christians ,when they are not in power, before they commence with actual genocide by use of state power.
History may not repeat itself but it does resonate.Tolerance to Christianity and Islam has always been reciprocated with genocide. Thus we should learn from history and apply Chankyan principles of sam,dam,dand,bhed to deal with such recalcitrant enemy, and destroy its support ecosystem in media, leftist academia, NGOs; but at the same time refrain from direct attacks as it feed into propaganda machine and martyr complex of Christians. We need to adopt methods of our enemy to defeat him, lest Modi prove to be just an Indian version of Julian.
noksss
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Exactly and they have started but whatever they do they would still remain an underdog in the coming UP election
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/...ongress-against-Modi/articleshow/55215028.cms
But the government should start an effective counter campaign from now as we are just 2.5 years away from the next election hope Modi and team wakes up from the slumber
If the Right wingers embrace Adharma then the fight for dharma is lost. Then what are the right wingers fighting for ?
I have no illusions about how christianity and islam attacks Hinduism and constantly works to destroy it, but the way forward cannot be to christians or muslims in the guise of defending hinduism. Because that is what you are advocating. Adopting the values systems (or lack of ) of these religions. Becoming more of Macaulay children than we already are.
Let us first raise awareness about what Dharma is and what Hindu values systems are all about. THEN we can go around defending it. For now it appears that eating 'beef' is part of Hindu value system when in reality it is christian value system disguised as Hindu value system.
First know what is it that you are fighting for.
A Ram Mandir in Ayodhya would be meaningless if the ideals of Ram Rajya is thrown out of the window in our search for expediency.
911
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Intolerance on rise, gagging of media:
http://m.firstpost.com/india/take-n...nsitive-data-on-pathankot-attack-3086868.html
http://m.firstpost.com/india/take-n...nsitive-data-on-pathankot-attack-3086868.html
Soumitra
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Free media does not mean that you leak national security sensitive information. the Editor should be tried under the official secrets act
IndoCarib
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Do these self styled guardians of free speech even know why the channel was banned ? Is national interest squat to these people ??
http://www.hindustantimes.com/india...ck-coverage/story-ABLkwpoDHpmS4rdg5jSUCK.html
Television channel NDTV India will be taken off air for a day on November 9 after an inter-ministerial committee deemed that it had violated broadcast norms while reporting on the Pathankot terror attack this January.
The ministry of information and broadcasting announced the decision on Thursday after the committee concluded that the channel had revealed “strategically-sensitive” details of the air base while relaying news from the spot during the terror attack on January 2.
The report said the anchor and correspondent of the channel gave away information about the number of terrorists holed up in a building situated in an area meant for Air Force personnel and details about how the army was planning to take them down.
noksss
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While indian Media is busy with the missing JNU student the below happened
https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/fastest-partnership-ive-ever-struck-indian-government-akshay-kothari
https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/fastest-partnership-ive-ever-struck-indian-government-akshay-kothari
Soumitra
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GST Rate Structure Finanlised, Slabs From 5% To 28%
Finance Minister Arun Jaitley, who heads the GST Council that has state finance ministers as members, on Thursday announced four main tax slabs, ranging from 5 per cent to 28 per cent under the goods and services tax (GST) - 5 per cent, 12 per cent, 18 per cent and 28 per cent.
The rates agreed by the GST Council have to be approved by Parliament, which meets from November 19 for the winter session. Once implemented, the new indirect tax regime - GST - will subsume various taxes including excise, services tax, octroi and other levies and the proceeds will be shared between the Centre and states.
Mr Jaitley said individual items which will fall under different tax slabs will be decided later.
Here's how GST could impact you:
1) Mr Jaitley said that under the GST rate structure, several items, comprising about 50 per cent of the consumer inflation index, would not attract zero tax. Food grains used by common people would be in the zero tax category, he added.
2) Items of mass consumption would come under the 5 per cent GST rate, said Mr Jaitley. (Also read: GST to be ess regressive with lower tax band at 5%, say experts)
3) The finance minister said there would be two standard rates - the rates at which bulk of the goods would be taxed - of 12 per cent and 18 per cent.
4) The minister said that under the current rate, several manufactured items including most white goods (such as refrigerator, washing machine, etc.) are taxed at an excise rate of 12.5 per cent and VAT of 14.5 per cent. Along with the cascading effect, these items are taxed at a combined 30-31 per cent, he said. These items will now be taxed at 28 per cent, he added.
5) Mr Jaitley said that several items in this which is now being used increasingly by the lower middle class are likely to be transferred to the 18 per cent rate.
6) Earlier, the government had proposed GST slabs at 6 per cent, 12 per cent, 18 per cent or 26 per cent. Mr Jaitley said the higher tax rate of 28 per cent will help to offset losses in the other three tax brackets.
7) Mahesh Jaising, partner at BMR & Associates LLP, said that India Inc is worried about the items that will fall under the 28 per cent slab as it is higher than the earlier proposed rate of 26 per cent.
8) Mr Jaitley didn't elaborate which tax rate will apply to services that contribute nearly 60 per cent of India's $2 trillion economy. Mr Jaising of BMR & Associates said that the services could fall under both 12 per cent and 18 per cent slabs, with the essential ones in the 12 per cent category. Currently, the service tax rate is 15 per cent.
9) A cess would be levied on products such as tobacco, luxury cars and aerated drinks on top of the 28 per cent tax bracket, Mr Jaitley said.
10) Mr Jaitley said that the GST rate on gold will be later decided by the Council.
Finance Minister Arun Jaitley, who heads the GST Council that has state finance ministers as members, on Thursday announced four main tax slabs, ranging from 5 per cent to 28 per cent under the goods and services tax (GST) - 5 per cent, 12 per cent, 18 per cent and 28 per cent.
The rates agreed by the GST Council have to be approved by Parliament, which meets from November 19 for the winter session. Once implemented, the new indirect tax regime - GST - will subsume various taxes including excise, services tax, octroi and other levies and the proceeds will be shared between the Centre and states.
Mr Jaitley said individual items which will fall under different tax slabs will be decided later.
Here's how GST could impact you:
1) Mr Jaitley said that under the GST rate structure, several items, comprising about 50 per cent of the consumer inflation index, would not attract zero tax. Food grains used by common people would be in the zero tax category, he added.
2) Items of mass consumption would come under the 5 per cent GST rate, said Mr Jaitley. (Also read: GST to be ess regressive with lower tax band at 5%, say experts)
3) The finance minister said there would be two standard rates - the rates at which bulk of the goods would be taxed - of 12 per cent and 18 per cent.
4) The minister said that under the current rate, several manufactured items including most white goods (such as refrigerator, washing machine, etc.) are taxed at an excise rate of 12.5 per cent and VAT of 14.5 per cent. Along with the cascading effect, these items are taxed at a combined 30-31 per cent, he said. These items will now be taxed at 28 per cent, he added.
5) Mr Jaitley said that several items in this which is now being used increasingly by the lower middle class are likely to be transferred to the 18 per cent rate.
6) Earlier, the government had proposed GST slabs at 6 per cent, 12 per cent, 18 per cent or 26 per cent. Mr Jaitley said the higher tax rate of 28 per cent will help to offset losses in the other three tax brackets.
7) Mahesh Jaising, partner at BMR & Associates LLP, said that India Inc is worried about the items that will fall under the 28 per cent slab as it is higher than the earlier proposed rate of 26 per cent.
8) Mr Jaitley didn't elaborate which tax rate will apply to services that contribute nearly 60 per cent of India's $2 trillion economy. Mr Jaising of BMR & Associates said that the services could fall under both 12 per cent and 18 per cent slabs, with the essential ones in the 12 per cent category. Currently, the service tax rate is 15 per cent.
9) A cess would be levied on products such as tobacco, luxury cars and aerated drinks on top of the 28 per cent tax bracket, Mr Jaitley said.
10) Mr Jaitley said that the GST rate on gold will be later decided by the Council.
Soumitra
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Rajdeep Sardesai still butturt over the election of Modi
Tele-democracy, theirs and ours
Television gave oxygen to Trump’s campaign. It has, to an extent, skewed voter choices in India as well.
The latest opinion polls in the US are suggesting a much tighter race for the country’s presidency but the debate in Washington DC, at least, has slowly shifted from “will Trump be the next US president” to “gee, how did someone like Trump get so close to the White House”. This mood shift reflects the belated realisation that the US could be electing a man who is clearly unsuited to the job, someone whose outrageous remarks evoke as much anger as mirth across large parts of the country. It will still take an electoral miracle for Trump to win but in assessing his ascent, one may wish to reflect on a trend which holds relevance for India too: Did the billionaire real estate tycoon get this far because television gave him the oxygen to sustain what has been a made for television campaign like no other America has seen in recent times?
From the day he emerged as a presidential candidate almost a year ago, Trump has been seen and heard across US television networks with 24 x7 frequency. The camera has followed his every move, tracked his every soundbyte with a relentless gaze. Without spending half the money that Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton has, Trump has been assured constant prime time coverage. As a former reality television star, Trump perhaps knew that if he kept spewing bizarre rhetoric, the giant television machine, in the maddening race for ratings, would lap him up. While Hillary has appeared scripted and rehearsed, Trump has thrived on the sensational. In a sense, Trump challenged the “liberal” media consensus by building an alternate right-wing propaganda machine. It is no coincidence that the rise of Trump coincided with the exponential growth in right-wing television networks like Fox and vocally conservative websites like Breitbart. For much of the campaign, these media groups have been in an endless embrace with a man who was appealing to the more base instincts of the American voter by playing on fears of race, immigration and the loss of jobs to “outsiders”.
It is not just the US, though, where the notion of a “tele-democracy” threatens to skew voter choices. The 2014 general elections in India saw, for the first time perhaps, the principal battleground shifting from the maidan to the media. Narendra Modi’s initial spectacular rise owes much to the fact that he understood and mastered the television game quickly enough. In the build-up to the general elections, Modi orchestrated a series of well-planned “events”, all designed to appeal to prime time television audiences. His oratorical style made him ideally suited for news television: By the end, he was often seen twice or thrice in a single day making a live speech. Like Trump, Modi too romanced the voter through the TV camera lens. The young voter who is exposed to a 360 degree media bombardment seemed particularly enthused by the idea of politics as reality television with right-wing dominated social media and the Internet becoming echo chambers for the noise of an increasingly “nationalistic” agenda.
There is another parallel. In the US, it is only now that the media has put the Trump campaign through a rigorous fact-checking process. For a long time, he was simply allowed to get away with making his exaggerated claims. In the 2014 elections too, Modi’s much-hyped Gujarat model was similarly unquestioned: His charismatic style was seen to be enough to guarantee the eyeballs. When he, for example, claimed that he would ensure five crore jobs once elected to office, no one bothered to check what the employment figures for Gujarat really were. Modi, like Trump, was box office: No mainstream media wants to challenge a telegenic political superstar since there is an incestuous edge to the equation. Moreover, if Modi had mastered the television narrative, his principal rival Rahul Gandhi floundered when put before a television screen. The contrast could not have been more stark.
And yet, where the Modi brand of tele-democracy has scored over Trump is that the former understood the importance of message discipline during a long campaign. Not once did Modi stray from his central message of promising “acche din” through muscular leadership. By contrast, Trump has allowed his rumbustious style to get the better of him by getting into needless personal battles with his opponents. Maybe that is the difference between a pracharak trained in the austere world of a shakha and a buccaneer businessman used to the high life of New York. Another major difference is that while Trump’s populist demagoguery is built around the politics of fear, Modi successfully re-invented himself as a messiah of hope in 2014.
There are, however, limitations to the “tele-democracy” model in the Indian context. Yes, television can guarantee instant recognition, it cannot always decide voting preferences. A Mayawati, for example, shuns television interviews, a Jayalalithaa is openly contemptuous of the media as is a Mamata Banerjee or even a Naveen Patnaik. And yet, they are all formidable political figures. Identity politics, in particular, goes well beyond neatly choreographed television campaigns. A Dalit in the heart of Bundelkhand will probably vote for Mayawati because she represents a caste identity that is distinctive and empowering. In the complex maze of caste and regional arithmetic, television alone cannot make or mar electoral fortunes, especially in the rural heartland (the BJP did, interestingly, make use of video raths to get its message across to “media dark” villages in the 2014 elections).
But as Indian politics gets more “presidential” in nature, where ideology is sacrificed at the altar of individualism, the importance of the media machine will grow in manufacturing hype around larger than life figures. Issues may end up mattering less than well-crafted soundbytes, especially amongst urban middle class audiences. Arvind Kejriwal’s meteoric rise, for example, owes much to the fact that his anti-corruption movement was almost born in a television studio. That the same television cameras now seek to bring him down is proof that the camera is a double-edged sword. Even in the US, the very television “circus” that seemed to be awestruck by the rise of Trump now seems to be gleefully celebrating his likely downfall. The medium may be the message but it can’t be taken for granted.
A desperate Trump has now put a plan B in action: He says he will set up a Trump TV channel, should he lose on November 8. Interestingly, Modi’s supporters had also planned to experiment with NaMo TV at one stage. Indeed, unless mainstream television news restores its moral compass, it will become fodder for telegenic political demagogues and soundbyte warriors.
Tele-democracy, theirs and ours
Television gave oxygen to Trump’s campaign. It has, to an extent, skewed voter choices in India as well.
The latest opinion polls in the US are suggesting a much tighter race for the country’s presidency but the debate in Washington DC, at least, has slowly shifted from “will Trump be the next US president” to “gee, how did someone like Trump get so close to the White House”. This mood shift reflects the belated realisation that the US could be electing a man who is clearly unsuited to the job, someone whose outrageous remarks evoke as much anger as mirth across large parts of the country. It will still take an electoral miracle for Trump to win but in assessing his ascent, one may wish to reflect on a trend which holds relevance for India too: Did the billionaire real estate tycoon get this far because television gave him the oxygen to sustain what has been a made for television campaign like no other America has seen in recent times?
From the day he emerged as a presidential candidate almost a year ago, Trump has been seen and heard across US television networks with 24 x7 frequency. The camera has followed his every move, tracked his every soundbyte with a relentless gaze. Without spending half the money that Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton has, Trump has been assured constant prime time coverage. As a former reality television star, Trump perhaps knew that if he kept spewing bizarre rhetoric, the giant television machine, in the maddening race for ratings, would lap him up. While Hillary has appeared scripted and rehearsed, Trump has thrived on the sensational. In a sense, Trump challenged the “liberal” media consensus by building an alternate right-wing propaganda machine. It is no coincidence that the rise of Trump coincided with the exponential growth in right-wing television networks like Fox and vocally conservative websites like Breitbart. For much of the campaign, these media groups have been in an endless embrace with a man who was appealing to the more base instincts of the American voter by playing on fears of race, immigration and the loss of jobs to “outsiders”.
It is not just the US, though, where the notion of a “tele-democracy” threatens to skew voter choices. The 2014 general elections in India saw, for the first time perhaps, the principal battleground shifting from the maidan to the media. Narendra Modi’s initial spectacular rise owes much to the fact that he understood and mastered the television game quickly enough. In the build-up to the general elections, Modi orchestrated a series of well-planned “events”, all designed to appeal to prime time television audiences. His oratorical style made him ideally suited for news television: By the end, he was often seen twice or thrice in a single day making a live speech. Like Trump, Modi too romanced the voter through the TV camera lens. The young voter who is exposed to a 360 degree media bombardment seemed particularly enthused by the idea of politics as reality television with right-wing dominated social media and the Internet becoming echo chambers for the noise of an increasingly “nationalistic” agenda.
There is another parallel. In the US, it is only now that the media has put the Trump campaign through a rigorous fact-checking process. For a long time, he was simply allowed to get away with making his exaggerated claims. In the 2014 elections too, Modi’s much-hyped Gujarat model was similarly unquestioned: His charismatic style was seen to be enough to guarantee the eyeballs. When he, for example, claimed that he would ensure five crore jobs once elected to office, no one bothered to check what the employment figures for Gujarat really were. Modi, like Trump, was box office: No mainstream media wants to challenge a telegenic political superstar since there is an incestuous edge to the equation. Moreover, if Modi had mastered the television narrative, his principal rival Rahul Gandhi floundered when put before a television screen. The contrast could not have been more stark.
And yet, where the Modi brand of tele-democracy has scored over Trump is that the former understood the importance of message discipline during a long campaign. Not once did Modi stray from his central message of promising “acche din” through muscular leadership. By contrast, Trump has allowed his rumbustious style to get the better of him by getting into needless personal battles with his opponents. Maybe that is the difference between a pracharak trained in the austere world of a shakha and a buccaneer businessman used to the high life of New York. Another major difference is that while Trump’s populist demagoguery is built around the politics of fear, Modi successfully re-invented himself as a messiah of hope in 2014.
There are, however, limitations to the “tele-democracy” model in the Indian context. Yes, television can guarantee instant recognition, it cannot always decide voting preferences. A Mayawati, for example, shuns television interviews, a Jayalalithaa is openly contemptuous of the media as is a Mamata Banerjee or even a Naveen Patnaik. And yet, they are all formidable political figures. Identity politics, in particular, goes well beyond neatly choreographed television campaigns. A Dalit in the heart of Bundelkhand will probably vote for Mayawati because she represents a caste identity that is distinctive and empowering. In the complex maze of caste and regional arithmetic, television alone cannot make or mar electoral fortunes, especially in the rural heartland (the BJP did, interestingly, make use of video raths to get its message across to “media dark” villages in the 2014 elections).
But as Indian politics gets more “presidential” in nature, where ideology is sacrificed at the altar of individualism, the importance of the media machine will grow in manufacturing hype around larger than life figures. Issues may end up mattering less than well-crafted soundbytes, especially amongst urban middle class audiences. Arvind Kejriwal’s meteoric rise, for example, owes much to the fact that his anti-corruption movement was almost born in a television studio. That the same television cameras now seek to bring him down is proof that the camera is a double-edged sword. Even in the US, the very television “circus” that seemed to be awestruck by the rise of Trump now seems to be gleefully celebrating his likely downfall. The medium may be the message but it can’t be taken for granted.
A desperate Trump has now put a plan B in action: He says he will set up a Trump TV channel, should he lose on November 8. Interestingly, Modi’s supporters had also planned to experiment with NaMo TV at one stage. Indeed, unless mainstream television news restores its moral compass, it will become fodder for telegenic political demagogues and soundbyte warriors.
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