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Kejriwal’s PA asked me to get off stage before ink incident: Cop - Times of India

On a day when the Aam Aadmi Party said the ink thrown on chief minister Arvind Kejriwal on Sunday part of a deep-rooted conspiracy and that the CM wasn't being adequately protected, one of the cops from Kejriwal's security detail told his seniors that he was asked to step down from the dais when Kejriwal was addressing the gathering in Chhatrasal stadium on Sunday. :sick::sick:
 
Modi announced in Assam today of converting the Rupsi airport into full-fledged IAF base, which will also be used by civilians. That means it will be civilian airport cum IAF base. Its operations were stopped after the end of World War II.

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I to had doubt about it, but now I'm sure that he's same member - writing style, habits etc. is exactly same. :sick:
You got it right hon. Lol
Now read this story

UAE to get tough on IP address forgery
I am sure you are smart enough to understand why I had posted the story. ;)
Btw I had reported the multiple IDs sometime back, but I guess due to hotspot shields webby could not trace the IPs(or something to that effect).
Can you reactivate the PM where me and you used to communicate? Or I guess I will Hv to request the admin.chit chatting here would not go down well with many. Lol
 
Thadeshabharana thiranjeduppinu munpu ithokke thanneyaanu thante koottar naaduneele paranjondu nadannathu..BJP vote pidichaal CPM nu vote kurayumennu ennittentaayi,athuvare ezhuthi thaliyirunnu CPMum LDFum NO.1 aayyille...Pinne palakkad nagarasabhaa bharanam pidichathu ninteyonnum kazhivukondalla,avide nalla swaadeenamulla Tamil brahmana samuthaayam onnadamgam BJP yilleku maariyathu kondaanu.. oru Malayali Hinduvaaya thaan athill aanandham kollendathilla ketto..oru Indian Hindu enna reethiyill venamengill abhimaanikaam,thettilla...
mone shusheela,ponnumonum kummanam maamanum koodi palakhad enna ittaavatte puthanthottill nilaavulla oru paathirathrill thorthu mundu virichu paral meenukaleyum maakri thavalakaleyum pidichu kalichu rasichittundaakum,aa thorthu mundum kondu vamban sraavukalum thimingalavum kadalpaambukalum viharikunna Kerala raashtreeyam enna mahaasaagarathillekku valaveesham ennu vyamohichaal palakatte BJP Jilla kaaryallathinte thekke thodiyill ulla aa moovaandan maavu vettaan thayaar aayiko ninakum kummanam maamanum..

Do you know the difference between LDF and UDF's vote share in last local body poll ? it was marginal .Your comment about palakkad municipality is another stupidity ,tamil bhramin majority kalpathy seat was won by congress ,sorry dont have time to waste for your stupid rants x'ian idiot ,and I am not afraid of your stupid threats (that too from a x;ian) When i changed party faced threats much bigger than this So keep you threats with you ,Your brethren in kandhamal one tried to poke Hindus and we all know what happened after that ,So konjadu nanma nirana mariyavum padi adangi othungi irunnal mathi

Eda mone rashtryam padichittu vannu paryu allathe chumma undayilla vedi vekkan nikanda ,ninne polullavare ulakka kondu konakam udupichittanu ithu vare ethyathu athu kondu koodthal undakkan varenda ,
 
Do you know the difference between LDF and UDF's vote share in last local body poll ? it was marginal .Your comment about palakkad municipality is another stupidity ,tamil bhramin majority kalpathy seat was won by congress ,sorry dont have time to waste for your stupid rants x'ian idiot ,and I am not afraid of your stupid threats (that too from a x;ian) When i changed party faced threats much bigger than this So keep you threats with you ,Your brethren in kandhamal one tried to poke Hindus and we all know what happened after that ,So konjadu nanma nirana mariyavum padi adangi othungi irunnal mathi

Eda mone rashtryam padichittu vannu paryu allathe chumma undayilla vedi vekkan nikanda ,ninne polullavare ulakka kondu konakam udupichittanu ithu vare ethyathu athu kondu koodthal undakkan varenda ,
You are a liar..
What about the vote share difference in 2010 between LDF and UDF?? ..You think Tamil Brahmins living around only Kalpathi??..KALPATHI EAST was won by BJP..what about other Tamil Brahmin majority areas like,Kumarapuram,ayyapuram seats???..
kandamal..hehe..Its not a big deal..Christians are a minority community in Odisha,have no numerical strength nor government support unlike Hindus..LAST month a temple was burned down in Nagaland or the recent malda incident,We have seen your so called strength there..But i don't rejoice those incidents like sanghis like you doing here...

,ninne polullavare ulakka kondu konakam udupichittanu
manassillayilla,Thangal paranju varunnathu Keralathillula Christianikalude saadhanam Hindukale apekshichu cheruthaanenaano??...Sree buddha college nadathiya padanam angu vaayichillaayiruno??..ella malayalikaludeyum poorvikam onnaanenu..anganeyanengill saadhanathinte valippavum ethaandu ore pole irikande..ini chilapol njangal kristhuvill vishwasikkunathu kondu valippam kurayumo uvo??
 
You are a liar..
What about the vote share difference in 2010 between LDF and UDF?? ..You think Tamil Brahmins living around only Kalpathi??..KALPATHI EAST was won by BJP..what about other Tamil Brahmin majority areas like,Kumarapuram,ayyapuram seats???..
kandamal..hehe..Its not a big deal..Christians are a minority community in Odisha,have no numerical strength nor government support unlike Hindus..LAST month a temple was burned down in Nagaland or the recent malda incident,We have seen your so called strength there..But i don't rejoice those incidents like sanghis like you doing here...

You claimed tamil bhramins voted in mass to bjp ,Then why BJP lost Kalpathi seat ? ...Agree with Kalpathi east but you proved your ignorance on ayyapuram and kumarapuram Both are Moothan ,Chetti community dominated areas BJP won ezhava majority and nair majority councils also ...You can boast Malda and nagaland it is not a big deal it will help hindutva politics in Bengal ,every single minority uprising will help the Hindu unity ..

You are a liar..
What about the vote share difference in 2010 between LDF and UDF?? ..You think Tamil Brahmins living around only Kalpathi??..KALPATHI EAST was won by BJP..what about other Tamil Brahmin majority areas like,Kumarapuram,ayyapuram seats???..
kandamal..hehe..Its not a big deal..Christians are a minority community in Odisha,have no numerical strength nor government support unlike Hindus..LAST month a temple was burned down in Nagaland or the recent malda incident,We have seen your so called strength there..But i don't rejoice those incidents like sanghis like you doing here...


manassillayilla,Thangal paranju varunnathu Keralathillula Christianikalude saadhanam Hindukale apekshichu cheruthaanenaano??...Sree buddha college nadathiya padanam angu vaayichillaayiruno??..ella malayalikaludeyum poorvikam onnaanenu..anganeyanengill saadhanathinte valippavum ethaandu ore pole irikande..ini chilapol njangal kristhuvill vishwasikkunathu kondu valippam kurayumo uvo??

Not about x'ians its a local slang and not related to "sadhanam or samanam" ..few weeks back I posted it in Kerala corner ,and posted a link to a blog which simplifies it ... now you are repeating it to me ,Parayipetta panthirukulam enna mythupoleyanu keralathile ellam Vibhagvum undaythenanu avarude nigamanam
 
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You claimed tamil bhramins voted in mass to bjp ,Then why BJP lost Kalpathi seat ? ...Agree with Kalpathi east but you proved your ignorance on ayyapuram and kumarapuram Both are Moothan ,Chetti community dominated areas BJP won ezhava majority and nair majority councils also ...You can boast Malda and nagaland it is not a big deal it will help hindutva politics in Bengal ,every single minority uprising will help the Hindu unity ..



Not about x'ians its a local slang and not related to "sadhanam or samanam" ..few weeks back I posted it in Kerala corner ,and posted a link to a blog which simplifies it ... now you are repeating it to me ,Parayipetta panthirukulam enna mythupoleyanu keralathile ellam Vibhagvum undaythenanu avarude nigamanam
Kumarapuram is a Tamil Brahmin majority area(do google) adjacent to Kalpathi....There is a famous Tamil Brahmin temple situated there...
We are only around 2% in India,how can we match Hindus,who are 80% and have government machinery...
 
Kumarapuram is a Tamil Brahmin majority area(do google) adjacent to Kalpathi....There is a famous Tamil Brahmin temple situated there...
We are only around 2% in India,how can we match Hindus,who are 80% and have government machinery...

ok..2% or above x'ianity have devils at high places to protect its political interests

What about the vote share difference in 2010 between LDF and UDF??

Vote difference was less than 200000 votes ,But in this local body poll LDF's advantage was just 40000 votes ,I am not counting factors which affected UDF's vote share like high number of rebels and congress muslim league fight in malapuram
 
OLD, NEW CRISIS BENGAL FACES
Wednesday, 20 January 2016 | Anirban Ganguly | in Oped
star_rating_3.png


While Syama Prasad Mookerjee strove hard to ensure that Bengali Hindus live and thrive in free India, his early death and a lack of leadership in West Bengal altered the political dynamics. In three odd decades, the CPI(M)-led Left Front changed the State’s demography

When Syama Prasad Mookerjee decided to “divide Pakistan” he had once famously quipped before Jawaharlal Nehru that while the latter had divided India, he (Syama Prasad) had divided Pakistan one of his principal objectives was to ensure that Bengali Hindus get a space where they can live and perpetuate culturally and civilisationally. In fact, on this issue, as in many others, Mookerjee received support from the indomitable Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. Sardar Patel’s position on Bengali Hindu refugees, like that of Syama Prasad’s was unequivocal and forthright and in sharp contrast to Nehru’s dithering and confusion. In fact, Sardar Patel had argued that if the large number of Hindus from east Pakistan was made to leave their home and hearth due to “unsatisfactory conditions created there, the Pakistan Government must provide additional space for their settlement.”

By 1950, when the trickle of Hindu refugees from east Pakistan converted into a wave because of the intensification of anti-Hindu pogrom, Sardar Patel, according to author Durga Das, “gave out that if Pakistan could not guarantee safe and honourable existence to the Hindus, it must be made to yield a part of east Bengal to India for their rehabilitation”. Sardar Patel’s attitude in support of the Bengali Hindus so unnerved and flared Nehru that he offered to resign. A study remains to be done on how Nehru displayed a step-motherly attitude towards the Bengali Hindu refugees, refusing the proposal of a complete exchange of population on India’s eastern flank, stalling any effort at giving adequate succour and compensation and always insisting that the Bengali Hindu refugees go back to their lands in east Bengal and continue living there despite acute persecution and insecurity. In the case of refugees from Punjab, as historian Prafulla K Chakrabarti pointed out in his classic study of the refugee movement in Bengal, The Marginal Men, “The rehabilitation of Punjab refugees was undertaken with the zeal of a man who knew that he could not neglect the issue and stay in power.”

But in the case of the Bengali Hindu refugees, Nehru applied an altogether different yardstick, he vehemently opposed any effort at “rehabilitation” and pushed for according only temporary shelter. Chakrabarti argued thus, “Nehru never ceased to rant against such a solution [exchange of population in the eastern sector] although he had precisely accepted such a solution in Punjab. An exchange of population was not a communal solution. It was the inevitable consequence of partition of India on a communal basis...”.

Mookerjee’s purpose in insisting that Bengal be partitioned and not handed over in its entirety to bring to fruition Jinnah’s dream of a consolidated Pakistan, saved Kolkata and the Bengali Hindus and ensured for them a spatial contour where they could live and thrive in free India. His refusal to go along with the pipe dream of a “united sovereign Bengal” floated by HS Suhrawardy and the ageing Sarat Bose, ensured that West Bengal survived as a separate entity. However, his early death and the lack of a cohesive leadership in West Bengal which could continue speaking and working for the Bengali Hindus, altered the political dynamics. In fact, his narrative of ensuring West Bengal as a space for Bengali Hindus has been systematically eroded, and he himself relegated by the comrades, the Congress and the Trinamool Congress as a communal figure best left untouched and uncelebrated.

In the last four decades, the dynamics of Bengal politics has further altered especially its demographic and denominational dimensions. In three odd decades that it had ruled West Bengal, the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front assiduously worked to change the demography of the State. Much like the Congress in Assam, the CPI(M) in West Bengal allowed and encouraged infiltration from Bangladesh, looked the other way when such an influx generated social and denominational tensions and used the official State system to officialise the infiltrators and cede them political space and voice. The Bengali Hindus who came over as refugees were coerced into silence with the threat of being pushed out.

While presiding over one of the biggest de-industrialisation movement in the history of India or perhaps the world, while initiating the process of an acute politicisation of an entire education system, while perpetrating one of the most violent political culture that spit on India’s democratic aspirations, the CPI(M) also incubated Islamist groups and formations that indulged in political brigandage and lumpenism in order to sustain the communist brand of liberation politics. So consumed were the comrades with this radicalisation of West Bengal, so captive were they to Islamist vote-banks that, as a rule they glossed over any incident — much the same way West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee does now which adversely affected the Bengali Hindu. Thus, rapes and assault on Hindu women in fields in villages along the border drew from the patrician comrade Jyoti Basu, the derisive question, “Why do they go there?” Comrade Buddhadeb Bhattacharya, must to his chagrin, was forced to retract a statement he had made on the mushrooming of illegal madrassas along the West Bengal border and the threat they posed to national security.

Taslima Nasreen’s hounding in 2007 was of course one of the last and most grotesque manifestation of the result of appeasement politics in West Bengal during the CPI(M) rule. Deganga pogrom in 2010, where Hindu places of worship were vandalised and Hindus prevented from observing Durga Puja, indicated the nadir that had been reached. It was a TMC MP who had fanned the fires in Deganga and thus Ms Banerjee too, along with the comrades, kept silent. Both the TMC and the CPI(M) have been, as subsequent events have proved, complicit in the neglect and marginalisation of the Bengali Hindus in West Bengal, using them as pawns in their power games and doing precious little for their collective welfare and empowerment.

Even in the Kaliachak incident, the CPI(M) politbureau which otherwise passes resolutions on all and sundry issues, was silent, talking only of law and order and of course, as is its obsession, blaming the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and the Bharatiya Janata Party! The Congress, as a marginal player in West Bengal since 1977, has of course gone along with this marginalisation of Bengali Hindus, ignoring the legacies of BC Roy, Surendra Mohan Ghose and others.

Ms Banerjee has out shone the CPI(M) in its own game of radicalising Bengal’s political space. Kaliachak is the latest symptom of this radicalisation. The TMC’s welcoming and sheltering rabid elements of the Bangladesh Jamaat, its silence on the Khagragarh blasts Ms Banerjee’s ridiculous bamboo-like statement that India’s external intelligence agencies were behind it revealed her actual state of mind the TMC’s patronage of Islamist lumpens who changed sides after the 2011 Assembly elections — one may recall how the Mamata Government gave permission for a massive rally organised by a section of TMC’s minority leadership in March 2013 in the heart of Kolkata in support of the Jamaat in Bangladesh her repeated refusal to condemn attacks on Hindus, their localities, markets and homes, is in fact intensifying and expediting the radicalisation of West Bengal. Yet, post Kaliachak, no Bengali intellectual dared condemn the episode, or write letters against it to the President of India complaining of intolerance, nor did they take out candle marches or castigate the Chief Minister, these are obviously reserved for the plebeian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and not for the Tagore-loving, easel-handling and Islamist-abetting Ms Banerjee!

West Bengal is again at a crossroads with its very raison d'être facing a formidable challenge.

Old, new crisis Bengal faces

@Rain Man @scorpionx @LaBong @MilSpec @ranjeet @SarthakGanguly
 
OLD, NEW CRISIS BENGAL FACES
Wednesday, 20 January 2016 | Anirban Ganguly | in Oped
star_rating_3.png


While Syama Prasad Mookerjee strove hard to ensure that Bengali Hindus live and thrive in free India, his early death and a lack of leadership in West Bengal altered the political dynamics. In three odd decades, the CPI(M)-led Left Front changed the State’s demography

When Syama Prasad Mookerjee decided to “divide Pakistan” he had once famously quipped before Jawaharlal Nehru that while the latter had divided India, he (Syama Prasad) had divided Pakistan one of his principal objectives was to ensure that Bengali Hindus get a space where they can live and perpetuate culturally and civilisationally. In fact, on this issue, as in many others, Mookerjee received support from the indomitable Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. Sardar Patel’s position on Bengali Hindu refugees, like that of Syama Prasad’s was unequivocal and forthright and in sharp contrast to Nehru’s dithering and confusion. In fact, Sardar Patel had argued that if the large number of Hindus from east Pakistan was made to leave their home and hearth due to “unsatisfactory conditions created there, the Pakistan Government must provide additional space for their settlement.”

By 1950, when the trickle of Hindu refugees from east Pakistan converted into a wave because of the intensification of anti-Hindu pogrom, Sardar Patel, according to author Durga Das, “gave out that if Pakistan could not guarantee safe and honourable existence to the Hindus, it must be made to yield a part of east Bengal to India for their rehabilitation”. Sardar Patel’s attitude in support of the Bengali Hindus so unnerved and flared Nehru that he offered to resign. A study remains to be done on how Nehru displayed a step-motherly attitude towards the Bengali Hindu refugees, refusing the proposal of a complete exchange of population on India’s eastern flank, stalling any effort at giving adequate succour and compensation and always insisting that the Bengali Hindu refugees go back to their lands in east Bengal and continue living there despite acute persecution and insecurity. In the case of refugees from Punjab, as historian Prafulla K Chakrabarti pointed out in his classic study of the refugee movement in Bengal, The Marginal Men, “The rehabilitation of Punjab refugees was undertaken with the zeal of a man who knew that he could not neglect the issue and stay in power.”

But in the case of the Bengali Hindu refugees, Nehru applied an altogether different yardstick, he vehemently opposed any effort at “rehabilitation” and pushed for according only temporary shelter. Chakrabarti argued thus, “Nehru never ceased to rant against such a solution [exchange of population in the eastern sector] although he had precisely accepted such a solution in Punjab. An exchange of population was not a communal solution. It was the inevitable consequence of partition of India on a communal basis...”.

Mookerjee’s purpose in insisting that Bengal be partitioned and not handed over in its entirety to bring to fruition Jinnah’s dream of a consolidated Pakistan, saved Kolkata and the Bengali Hindus and ensured for them a spatial contour where they could live and thrive in free India. His refusal to go along with the pipe dream of a “united sovereign Bengal” floated by HS Suhrawardy and the ageing Sarat Bose, ensured that West Bengal survived as a separate entity. However, his early death and the lack of a cohesive leadership in West Bengal which could continue speaking and working for the Bengali Hindus, altered the political dynamics. In fact, his narrative of ensuring West Bengal as a space for Bengali Hindus has been systematically eroded, and he himself relegated by the comrades, the Congress and the Trinamool Congress as a communal figure best left untouched and uncelebrated.

In the last four decades, the dynamics of Bengal politics has further altered especially its demographic and denominational dimensions. In three odd decades that it had ruled West Bengal, the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front assiduously worked to change the demography of the State. Much like the Congress in Assam, the CPI(M) in West Bengal allowed and encouraged infiltration from Bangladesh, looked the other way when such an influx generated social and denominational tensions and used the official State system to officialise the infiltrators and cede them political space and voice. The Bengali Hindus who came over as refugees were coerced into silence with the threat of being pushed out.

While presiding over one of the biggest de-industrialisation movement in the history of India or perhaps the world, while initiating the process of an acute politicisation of an entire education system, while perpetrating one of the most violent political culture that spit on India’s democratic aspirations, the CPI(M) also incubated Islamist groups and formations that indulged in political brigandage and lumpenism in order to sustain the communist brand of liberation politics. So consumed were the comrades with this radicalisation of West Bengal, so captive were they to Islamist vote-banks that, as a rule they glossed over any incident — much the same way West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee does now which adversely affected the Bengali Hindu. Thus, rapes and assault on Hindu women in fields in villages along the border drew from the patrician comrade Jyoti Basu, the derisive question, “Why do they go there?” Comrade Buddhadeb Bhattacharya, must to his chagrin, was forced to retract a statement he had made on the mushrooming of illegal madrassas along the West Bengal border and the threat they posed to national security.

Taslima Nasreen’s hounding in 2007 was of course one of the last and most grotesque manifestation of the result of appeasement politics in West Bengal during the CPI(M) rule. Deganga pogrom in 2010, where Hindu places of worship were vandalised and Hindus prevented from observing Durga Puja, indicated the nadir that had been reached. It was a TMC MP who had fanned the fires in Deganga and thus Ms Banerjee too, along with the comrades, kept silent. Both the TMC and the CPI(M) have been, as subsequent events have proved, complicit in the neglect and marginalisation of the Bengali Hindus in West Bengal, using them as pawns in their power games and doing precious little for their collective welfare and empowerment.

Even in the Kaliachak incident, the CPI(M) politbureau which otherwise passes resolutions on all and sundry issues, was silent, talking only of law and order and of course, as is its obsession, blaming the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and the Bharatiya Janata Party! The Congress, as a marginal player in West Bengal since 1977, has of course gone along with this marginalisation of Bengali Hindus, ignoring the legacies of BC Roy, Surendra Mohan Ghose and others.

Ms Banerjee has out shone the CPI(M) in its own game of radicalising Bengal’s political space. Kaliachak is the latest symptom of this radicalisation. The TMC’s welcoming and sheltering rabid elements of the Bangladesh Jamaat, its silence on the Khagragarh blasts Ms Banerjee’s ridiculous bamboo-like statement that India’s external intelligence agencies were behind it revealed her actual state of mind the TMC’s patronage of Islamist lumpens who changed sides after the 2011 Assembly elections — one may recall how the Mamata Government gave permission for a massive rally organised by a section of TMC’s minority leadership in March 2013 in the heart of Kolkata in support of the Jamaat in Bangladesh her repeated refusal to condemn attacks on Hindus, their localities, markets and homes, is in fact intensifying and expediting the radicalisation of West Bengal. Yet, post Kaliachak, no Bengali intellectual dared condemn the episode, or write letters against it to the President of India complaining of intolerance, nor did they take out candle marches or castigate the Chief Minister, these are obviously reserved for the plebeian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and not for the Tagore-loving, easel-handling and Islamist-abetting Ms Banerjee!

West Bengal is again at a crossroads with its very raison d'être facing a formidable challenge.

Old, new crisis Bengal faces

@Rain Man @scorpionx @LaBong @MilSpec @ranjeet @SarthakGanguly
Bannerjee in her five years tenure has outperformed her predecessor in every aspect; corruption, policy logjams and appeasement of minorities without any effect in ground. There seems no light ahead except a rejuvenated Left with revitalized Industrial policy.
 
ok..2% or above x'ianity have devils at high places to protect its political interests



Vote difference was less than 200000 votes ,But in this local body poll LDF's advantage was just 40000 votes ,I am not counting factors which affected UDF's vote share like high number of rebels and congress muslim league fight in malapuram
But those devils are still wandering
throughout India '"creating earthquakes in Nepal,Influencing supreme court,funding NGOs and Medias even after two years of hindutwa rule??..We don't have a single Christian minister to influence in central ministry unlike previous government....whose weakness??
 
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