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Beyond Obama
India should not put all its eggs in the basket of the US president, says N.V.Subramanian.
London, 5 November 2010: In continuation of the Wednesday commentary, "Summit & after", and especially in the backdrop of Barack Obama's "defeat" in the mid-term elections, India has to make calculated changes in its engagements with the United States. It is improbable that a prime minister as timid as Manmohan Singh will put into effect the "calculated changes" suggested by this writer, among them being to engage the US over and above the American president, encompassing the Congress, Wall Street and big business, NGOs, special interest groups, opinion-makers, the media, and so forth, but the collapsing presidency of Barack Obama gives little other choice.
Whatever India had to gain from the US in the short term has been delivered by the previous American president, George W.Bush. The dynamics of Indo-US relations under Bush are too well-known to be repeated but references to them have been made in the alluded Wednesday commentary. The problem with Obama is that America is going down in his charge, and he has no clue as to what to do about it. The mid-term voting is indicative of the hopelessness generated by his presidency, and India should not consider itself immune from that sinking feeling.
Such a decisive vote against his policies, or the absence of them, should have compelled Obama to reflect on his presidential performance, and to then embrace change. But Obama is so risk-averse that he is unwilling to change, and even to consider that option. He is so immobilized by failure and the fear that attends it that he cannot look ahead much less plan for the future. For example, his observations about his forthcoming India visit are so full of rhetoric, so absent of deliverables, and so defeatist, that it has been pre-determined and hard wired for failure.
Obama has willy-nilly sunk India's hopes for a permanent membership in the UN Security Council anytime soon, saying the issue is too difficult and complicated. He has reiterated his opposition to outsourcing and he has indicated there will be no movement on the removal of certain Indian strategic establishments from the entities' list. So what is he coming for?
Some Indian strategists have argued not to look at Indo-US relations in transactional terms. But it is hard to imagine how else partnerships between two states ought to be considered and measured. Certainly, India and the US are not "natural allies" as, say, America is of the UK or even Western Europe, which it rushed to protect from a recent Al-Qaeda planned attack originating in Pakistan's FATA. On the other hand, and it hardly needs reminding, the US intimated zilch about David Coleman Headley's links to 26/11 until it was over, and that too after his role in a plot to avenge the Danish Prophet's cartoons came to light.
The transactional nature of US ties with its non-UK, non-European allies is not restricted to India. Decades ago, it was willing to sell Taiwanese interests down the river for closer relations with China, until an alarmed Taiwan lobbied hard and tirelessly with the Congress and other institutions. There is also the fact that American presidential powers are in decline relative to Congress (and the US Supreme Court) since Richard Nixon went down with Watergate. George W.Bush or rather politicians around him like Dick Cheney tried to fashion an imperial presidency for him but failed. Barack Obama had the mandate for change but flunked for a variety of reasons, torpedoing the American presidency.
It is after examining those reasons that a change in course for Indo-US relations has been suggested in the first paragraph. Quite apart from Obama's personal failures (and there are many), there is the fact that certain sectional interests are too deeply entrenched in the American system to suffer easy dislodgement even from a wilfully powerful president, which the incumbent is not. To cut a long story short, India has to move to make alliances with Wall Street and big business (while protecting its core and sovereign economic interests), Congress and so on, both to give positive impetus and depth to ties with the US, and to protect its peaceful rise from China. For instance, it is a failure of Indian PR that while Obama rages against outsourcing to Indian companies, the fact that nearly all manufacturing disastrously has relocated to China scarcely finds mention, and China has powered ahead to challenge the US precisely because of its manufacturing clout. It is no argument, or nothing that the Indians should accept, that Americans are more visibly angry at Indian call centres because they interact so often with them than they are enraged about products they buy which are mostly but less obtrusively made in China.
But as said in the beginning of this piece, it is unclear if a timid PM like Manmohan Singh will dare to go above Barack Obama's head to engage with America. But if he cannot, others after him have to. And this is not something entirely new for India, although the circumstances were different before. Even though the former US president, George W.Bush, brought about the Indo-US nuclear deal, India also lobbied hard and purposively with other branches of the US establishment and with important enclaves of civil society to enable its bipartisan passage (and which Obama as senator opposed). In the present case, Obama is not proving friendly enough for India (although he is not capriciously unfriendly either; he is merely choked up and too daunted to make new initiatives), so others have strenuously to be engaged with. It may be that when India changes the US environment increasingly favourably for itself through its own efforts, Barack Obama may come more agreeably and willingly on board as a friend of India.
But the point is this. India must build ties with the US regardless of the person of the American president. This might appear a revolutionary suggestion but it is simply logical. This is the only way Indo-US relations will sustain and be insulated from the whims/ predilections/ ideologies/ personal inadequacies of whoever occupies the White House. If India wants a "natural alliance" with the US for its own strategic advancement and for its peaceful rise, it must have to begin looking beyond Barack Obama.
N.V.Subramanian is Editor, The Public Affairs Magazine- Newsinsight.net, and writes internationally on strategic affairs. He has authored two novels, University of Love (Writers Workshop, Calcutta) and Courtesan of Storms (Har-Anand, Delhi). Email: envysub@gmail.com.