nightcrawler
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This thread isn't meant to be polluted ....
Energising Pakistan
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This thread isn't meant to be polluted ....
RabzonKhan
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The Pakistani spirit
Published in The Express Tribune, March 14th, 2011.
By Rasul Bakhsh Rais
The writer is professor of political science at LUMS
We have witnessed decline, failures, and ineptitude of the ruling classes of Pakistan in the past couple of decades, but that is not the whole story. Rational and constructive self-critique is necessary for the self-evaluation of a society. It helps us know what our progress is, what we can achieve and why we are not doing well compared to our past record or to other nations at the same/comparable level of development. Such cold-blooded analysis can wrest our decline, and could help us chart a better course.
There are many factors, both internal and external, at play. For instance, one relates to the fact that two superpowers have occupied Afghanistan during the last three decades or so and have, as a result, shaped its state and society according to their vision. Internally, there is the issue of institutional imbalances, in particular between the civilians and the military. There is also the existence of a feudal mindset, which is driven by arrogance and a winner-takes-it-all attitude. Even with these problems, we have made tremendous progress, though lesser than our potential, and far lesser than we could imagine, given our human and natural resource factors. It is important that we celebrate our successes, build on them and change what is not working in the system by pragmatic and practical reasoning.
There needs to be a serious debate on the progress of Pakistan in every field of national life from agriculture, industry to education. Progress in these areas will take us forward. It is remarkable that while our population has more than quadrupled, we export wheat, rice, cotton and sugar. And by some estimates, we are now the fifth-largest milk-producing country in the world. There have been periods of remarkable growth, but also slackness. There were times when our GNP and GDP growth rate were faster than that of India. Today, the reverse is true. The point is that we can rise and we can rebuild as we have tremendous potential. At the moment, it is a flawed vision of public policy on critical national issues, political polarisation and a climate of insecurity that our new enemy, terrorism, has imposed on us which is holding us back. It is crucial that the government provides direction and a sense of leadership to the nation.
Our failure, I believe, is neither collective nor so grave as to pull us down the way some of the national and foreign experts tend to believe. No society can be judged solely through the performance of the government or its elite. Not always, and not on every issue, has the Pakistani elite or the government, now democratic in form if not entirely in substance, has failed. We blame our political leaders for many failings. Sometimes we overextend the limits or our freedom, but they have delivered on provincial autonomy and have restored the original spirit of the Constitution with remarkable consensus. And even in the face of the harshest of criticism from the media and public intellectuals, governments have not reacted with power or overt coercion the way they used to a couple of decades ago. This is no small progress compared to most of the Muslim nations struggling with dictators, monarchies and personalised rule in the Middle East and Central Asia.
Most important of all, it is the Pakistani spirit, the resilience of a Pakistani person and historic bonds of solidarity and pluralism that have kept our society moving forward. The bouts of power struggles and mismanagement of our elected leaders and public officials have often been frustrating, but havent destroyed the spirit. In private and societal spheres, our achievements are second to none. It is this sphere that we need to enlarge and empower to force the governments to do better. Democracy and its substance will grow with public pressure, vigilance and by moving the Pakistani spirit to the public sphere.
Published in The Express Tribune, March 14th, 2011.
By Rasul Bakhsh Rais
The writer is professor of political science at LUMS
We have witnessed decline, failures, and ineptitude of the ruling classes of Pakistan in the past couple of decades, but that is not the whole story. Rational and constructive self-critique is necessary for the self-evaluation of a society. It helps us know what our progress is, what we can achieve and why we are not doing well compared to our past record or to other nations at the same/comparable level of development. Such cold-blooded analysis can wrest our decline, and could help us chart a better course.
There are many factors, both internal and external, at play. For instance, one relates to the fact that two superpowers have occupied Afghanistan during the last three decades or so and have, as a result, shaped its state and society according to their vision. Internally, there is the issue of institutional imbalances, in particular between the civilians and the military. There is also the existence of a feudal mindset, which is driven by arrogance and a winner-takes-it-all attitude. Even with these problems, we have made tremendous progress, though lesser than our potential, and far lesser than we could imagine, given our human and natural resource factors. It is important that we celebrate our successes, build on them and change what is not working in the system by pragmatic and practical reasoning.
There needs to be a serious debate on the progress of Pakistan in every field of national life from agriculture, industry to education. Progress in these areas will take us forward. It is remarkable that while our population has more than quadrupled, we export wheat, rice, cotton and sugar. And by some estimates, we are now the fifth-largest milk-producing country in the world. There have been periods of remarkable growth, but also slackness. There were times when our GNP and GDP growth rate were faster than that of India. Today, the reverse is true. The point is that we can rise and we can rebuild as we have tremendous potential. At the moment, it is a flawed vision of public policy on critical national issues, political polarisation and a climate of insecurity that our new enemy, terrorism, has imposed on us which is holding us back. It is crucial that the government provides direction and a sense of leadership to the nation.
Our failure, I believe, is neither collective nor so grave as to pull us down the way some of the national and foreign experts tend to believe. No society can be judged solely through the performance of the government or its elite. Not always, and not on every issue, has the Pakistani elite or the government, now democratic in form if not entirely in substance, has failed. We blame our political leaders for many failings. Sometimes we overextend the limits or our freedom, but they have delivered on provincial autonomy and have restored the original spirit of the Constitution with remarkable consensus. And even in the face of the harshest of criticism from the media and public intellectuals, governments have not reacted with power or overt coercion the way they used to a couple of decades ago. This is no small progress compared to most of the Muslim nations struggling with dictators, monarchies and personalised rule in the Middle East and Central Asia.
Most important of all, it is the Pakistani spirit, the resilience of a Pakistani person and historic bonds of solidarity and pluralism that have kept our society moving forward. The bouts of power struggles and mismanagement of our elected leaders and public officials have often been frustrating, but havent destroyed the spirit. In private and societal spheres, our achievements are second to none. It is this sphere that we need to enlarge and empower to force the governments to do better. Democracy and its substance will grow with public pressure, vigilance and by moving the Pakistani spirit to the public sphere.
RabzonKhan
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IA Rehmans services, courage to promote human rights acknowledged
Daily Times
Staff Report
ISLAMABAD: A galaxy of civil society and rights activists at a local hotel on Saturday gathered to pay tribute to their leader and mentor IA Rehman, to acknowledge his illustrious services in field of advocating the equal rights and his efforts to promote the peaceful, tolerant world through his writings and social services.
Governor State Bank of Pakistan Shahid Kardar, advisor to President of Pakistan Farhatullah Babar, Minister for Human Rights Senator Raza Rabbani spoke about Rehmans multifaceted personality.
They appreciated his work on human rights and made several personal references to the times they had spent with Rehman.
Mehergarh- an institute working on human rights organised the event.
Rabbani said he had always sought advice from Rehman and especially with his new responsibilities of human rights Ministry he would look forward to his insights and advice.
Babar said Rehman was the only person who could say the most controversial things in a brave way and always remain uncontroversial. He said it was because of the fact that he always spoke with sincerity and without any greed. His words that came from his heart never offended anyone.
Other speakers included activists Dr Fouzia Saeed, Zafarulla Khan and Tanvir Jehan expressed their gratitude for all they had learnt from Rehman in various ways.
Jehan put together a book of Rehmans writings called Ashufta Sari Ka Qarz. Ms Saeed produced a DVD set on discussion with Rehman on different issues included history of constitution in Pakistan, history of social movement, culture, his peers and his personal lives.
Areeb Azhar, a famous singer paid his tributes to Rehman by singing songs to express how this generation is carrying forward the teachings of this legend.
On the occasion, an eight-year-old boy Meher Sagar stole the show by reading a story about I A Rehman. He presented a scenario where two friends had a fight and went to seek advice from I A Rehman to solve their problem.
Daily Times
Staff Report
ISLAMABAD: A galaxy of civil society and rights activists at a local hotel on Saturday gathered to pay tribute to their leader and mentor IA Rehman, to acknowledge his illustrious services in field of advocating the equal rights and his efforts to promote the peaceful, tolerant world through his writings and social services.
Governor State Bank of Pakistan Shahid Kardar, advisor to President of Pakistan Farhatullah Babar, Minister for Human Rights Senator Raza Rabbani spoke about Rehmans multifaceted personality.
They appreciated his work on human rights and made several personal references to the times they had spent with Rehman.
Mehergarh- an institute working on human rights organised the event.
Rabbani said he had always sought advice from Rehman and especially with his new responsibilities of human rights Ministry he would look forward to his insights and advice.
Babar said Rehman was the only person who could say the most controversial things in a brave way and always remain uncontroversial. He said it was because of the fact that he always spoke with sincerity and without any greed. His words that came from his heart never offended anyone.
Other speakers included activists Dr Fouzia Saeed, Zafarulla Khan and Tanvir Jehan expressed their gratitude for all they had learnt from Rehman in various ways.
Jehan put together a book of Rehmans writings called Ashufta Sari Ka Qarz. Ms Saeed produced a DVD set on discussion with Rehman on different issues included history of constitution in Pakistan, history of social movement, culture, his peers and his personal lives.
Areeb Azhar, a famous singer paid his tributes to Rehman by singing songs to express how this generation is carrying forward the teachings of this legend.
On the occasion, an eight-year-old boy Meher Sagar stole the show by reading a story about I A Rehman. He presented a scenario where two friends had a fight and went to seek advice from I A Rehman to solve their problem.
RabzonKhan
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VIEW: Is the media fanning extremism?
Daily Times
Yawar Abbas
March 24, 2011
The assassination of Salmaan Taseer at the hands of a religious zealot threw open the debate over the medias role in encouraging extremist tendencies amongst the people of Pakistan. The proposition that the media is fanning extremist propensities may be somewhat overstated but is, at the same time, not completely unfounded.
During the last decade, Pakistans media has contributed positively to the cause of democracy in the country and also played an active role in the restoration of the judges through round the clock coverage of the famous Lawyers Movement. Nonetheless, serious doubts and conflicting views regarding the medias role in the country have also accompanied these wide-scale developments.
Some of these views rise from concerns that the media is strictly averse to the idea of even the most modest regulation by the government and that it refuses to abide by a unanimously agreed code of conduct or ethics. The media groups in the country have grown into big mafias; they own print as well as electronic media a situation that is almost unprecedented anywhere in the world. Critics also maintain that the Pakistani media is creating an environment of despair and hopelessness by presenting a very bleak picture of the country. This constant fear mongering and pessimistic outlook on such a broad scale can have its own psychological ramifications for Pakistani society in the future.
The most serious allegation levelled against the Pakistani media is that it is very cautious in reporting about the violence caused by religious extremists. TV channels are dominated by far-rightists and hardcore conservatives. There are very few left-wing journalists. Terrorists are called militants or, at the most, miscreants. This nomenclature is chosen very carefully. So far, the media has not been able to come up with a well-defined campaign against the terrorists extremist propaganda, except for a few occasional songs or advertisements. The media, at the very least, has a very high tolerance for accommodating extremist ideas in its mainstream reporting. A plausible reason put forth for the medias sympathetic and sometimes apologetic tone towards terrorists is the lack of protection given to journalists and reporters by the government against such extremists. Nonetheless, at this critical time, maintaining such an indifferent posture is suicidal.
The propaganda put forth by extremists has undoubtedly been more effective than that of the government. Pakistans war effort has greatly suffered due to the lukewarm response of the countrys media. The media, it appears, is only obsessed with reporting about the death toll of drone strikes and army operations debating whether it is our war or their war. Blowing trivial issues out of proportion and ignoring issues of vital importance cannot be disguised under the garb of neutrality this is nothing but dishonesty. Sensationalising news, broadcasting hate speeches, inciting anger by inviting religious bigots on talk shows, re-telecasting events that are of a sensitive nature and may give rise to public unrest and a general feeling of helplessness, distorting somebodys statement by quoting him/her out of context, allowing extremist figures to indoctrinate viewers by glorifying terrorists as jihadis, giving more airtime to apologists and sympathisers of militants and very little time to their critics and exposing audiences to the fanatical views propagated by semi-educated anchor-persons and politicians is by any standard yellow journalism and is reflective of an irresponsible media.
The masses, already susceptible to extremist ideas due to their exposure to fanatical preaching prevalent in society, are easily influenced by such radicalised media items. Under these circumstances, it is no wonder that the same are gradually encouraged to take the law into their hands, without any regard for the sanctity of the rule of law and the system of justice. There is no doubt that such uninformed decisions emanate from the doctrine of ignorance being fed by such shortsighted political and religious analysts.
A possible solution to the problem is the development of a clear-cut position by key media players on extremism and terrorism. In this sense a well thought out counter-propaganda policy is much needed. The need of the hour is zero tolerance for extremism. Pakistan is at a crossroads in its history and the media has a crucial role to play in its future. One can only hope that it will play its part responsibly.
The writer is in the Foreign Service of Pakistan
Daily Times
Yawar Abbas
March 24, 2011
The assassination of Salmaan Taseer at the hands of a religious zealot threw open the debate over the medias role in encouraging extremist tendencies amongst the people of Pakistan. The proposition that the media is fanning extremist propensities may be somewhat overstated but is, at the same time, not completely unfounded.
During the last decade, Pakistans media has contributed positively to the cause of democracy in the country and also played an active role in the restoration of the judges through round the clock coverage of the famous Lawyers Movement. Nonetheless, serious doubts and conflicting views regarding the medias role in the country have also accompanied these wide-scale developments.
Some of these views rise from concerns that the media is strictly averse to the idea of even the most modest regulation by the government and that it refuses to abide by a unanimously agreed code of conduct or ethics. The media groups in the country have grown into big mafias; they own print as well as electronic media a situation that is almost unprecedented anywhere in the world. Critics also maintain that the Pakistani media is creating an environment of despair and hopelessness by presenting a very bleak picture of the country. This constant fear mongering and pessimistic outlook on such a broad scale can have its own psychological ramifications for Pakistani society in the future.
The most serious allegation levelled against the Pakistani media is that it is very cautious in reporting about the violence caused by religious extremists. TV channels are dominated by far-rightists and hardcore conservatives. There are very few left-wing journalists. Terrorists are called militants or, at the most, miscreants. This nomenclature is chosen very carefully. So far, the media has not been able to come up with a well-defined campaign against the terrorists extremist propaganda, except for a few occasional songs or advertisements. The media, at the very least, has a very high tolerance for accommodating extremist ideas in its mainstream reporting. A plausible reason put forth for the medias sympathetic and sometimes apologetic tone towards terrorists is the lack of protection given to journalists and reporters by the government against such extremists. Nonetheless, at this critical time, maintaining such an indifferent posture is suicidal.
The propaganda put forth by extremists has undoubtedly been more effective than that of the government. Pakistans war effort has greatly suffered due to the lukewarm response of the countrys media. The media, it appears, is only obsessed with reporting about the death toll of drone strikes and army operations debating whether it is our war or their war. Blowing trivial issues out of proportion and ignoring issues of vital importance cannot be disguised under the garb of neutrality this is nothing but dishonesty. Sensationalising news, broadcasting hate speeches, inciting anger by inviting religious bigots on talk shows, re-telecasting events that are of a sensitive nature and may give rise to public unrest and a general feeling of helplessness, distorting somebodys statement by quoting him/her out of context, allowing extremist figures to indoctrinate viewers by glorifying terrorists as jihadis, giving more airtime to apologists and sympathisers of militants and very little time to their critics and exposing audiences to the fanatical views propagated by semi-educated anchor-persons and politicians is by any standard yellow journalism and is reflective of an irresponsible media.
The masses, already susceptible to extremist ideas due to their exposure to fanatical preaching prevalent in society, are easily influenced by such radicalised media items. Under these circumstances, it is no wonder that the same are gradually encouraged to take the law into their hands, without any regard for the sanctity of the rule of law and the system of justice. There is no doubt that such uninformed decisions emanate from the doctrine of ignorance being fed by such shortsighted political and religious analysts.
A possible solution to the problem is the development of a clear-cut position by key media players on extremism and terrorism. In this sense a well thought out counter-propaganda policy is much needed. The need of the hour is zero tolerance for extremism. Pakistan is at a crossroads in its history and the media has a crucial role to play in its future. One can only hope that it will play its part responsibly.
The writer is in the Foreign Service of Pakistan
RabzonKhan
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Empowering Fata
Dawn
Editorial
Mar 24 2011
GENUINE representation in the federation fosters a sense of ownership that strengthens specific regions as well as the country as a whole. Unfortunately, parts of Pakistan continue to be marginalised, left out of the political mainstream at a time when national unity is of the essence. The most extreme case in this regard is that of the Federally Administered Tribal Areas, a region that falls within Pakistans territorial boundaries but is not bound by its laws. Nor do the ordinary residents of Fata enjoy the same rights and privileges that, in theory at least, can be claimed by even the most deprived sections of society in other parts of the country. It is argued by some that tribal people have their own unique cultures and codes of conduct, which is true in the main. What is sometimes overlooked here, however, is that increased participation in the socio-political affairs of the country does not automatically lead to an erosion of intrinsic cultural values. If anything it empowers people and allows them greater freedom to live a life of their own choosing. Middle classes grow when the grip of a few is loosened to whatever extent, and with options and relative prosperity comes the prospect of peace. Alienation and poverty, needless to say, serve as an ideal breeding ground for militancy.
As speakers at a conference in Islamabad pointed out on Tuesday, we can start addressing at least some of the myriad problems facing the tribal belt by bringing the region into the national mainstream. Perhaps the first step in this direction should be to extend the Political Parties Act to the tribal areas so that people there get more options when it comes to choosing who represents them in Islamabad. The Frontier Crimes Regulation system that was imposed by the British a century ago and is still shaped by draconian concepts such as collective responsibility for the actions of individuals or families ought to be phased out and replaced by the Pakistan Penal Code. It will take time to right the wrongs of the past but a beginning must be made.
Dawn
Editorial
Mar 24 2011
GENUINE representation in the federation fosters a sense of ownership that strengthens specific regions as well as the country as a whole. Unfortunately, parts of Pakistan continue to be marginalised, left out of the political mainstream at a time when national unity is of the essence. The most extreme case in this regard is that of the Federally Administered Tribal Areas, a region that falls within Pakistans territorial boundaries but is not bound by its laws. Nor do the ordinary residents of Fata enjoy the same rights and privileges that, in theory at least, can be claimed by even the most deprived sections of society in other parts of the country. It is argued by some that tribal people have their own unique cultures and codes of conduct, which is true in the main. What is sometimes overlooked here, however, is that increased participation in the socio-political affairs of the country does not automatically lead to an erosion of intrinsic cultural values. If anything it empowers people and allows them greater freedom to live a life of their own choosing. Middle classes grow when the grip of a few is loosened to whatever extent, and with options and relative prosperity comes the prospect of peace. Alienation and poverty, needless to say, serve as an ideal breeding ground for militancy.
As speakers at a conference in Islamabad pointed out on Tuesday, we can start addressing at least some of the myriad problems facing the tribal belt by bringing the region into the national mainstream. Perhaps the first step in this direction should be to extend the Political Parties Act to the tribal areas so that people there get more options when it comes to choosing who represents them in Islamabad. The Frontier Crimes Regulation system that was imposed by the British a century ago and is still shaped by draconian concepts such as collective responsibility for the actions of individuals or families ought to be phased out and replaced by the Pakistan Penal Code. It will take time to right the wrongs of the past but a beginning must be made.
RabzonKhan
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Students clean railway tracks in ‘Clean Lahore Campaign’
Daily Times
April 04, 2011
LAHORE: After successfully cleaning the Ganda Nala on Zafar Ali Road, students of various institutes got together to clean the railway tracks and the burnt bogies of the railways on Sunday as a part of the ‘Clean Lahore Campaign’ under the banner of The Environment Protection Fund (TEPF).
TEPF has started working with school and college students on community service projects. Together, the Lahore Waste Management (LWM), Lahore Cantonment Board (LCB), Pakistan Railways, City District Government Lahore (CDGL), Parks and Horticulture Authority (PHA) and students from the Lahore Grammar School (LGS), National College of Business Administration and Economics (NCBA&E) and LACAS participated in cleaning up non-biodegradable garbage and also engaged the community to participate in the effort.
The bogies had been burnt after the assassination of Pakistan People’s Party’s (PPP) former chairperson Benazir Bhutto.
Talking to Daily Times, TEPF CEO Zar Aslam said, “TEPF is accomplishing social change through advocacy, awareness campaigns and to lobby for a change in the government policy (at the federal and provincial level), so that it mandates 48 hours of community service in the private and public industry verticals.” She added that TEPF is also providing programmes, projects, tools and certification for community work under the clean, green and protect initiatives. Zar said that our objective is to turn social responsibility through community work into a grassroots movement.
She further said that all government departments, including LWM Managing Director Waseem Ajmal Chaudhry, LCB CEO Aftab Ahmed Asif, Pakistan Railways Lahore Division Superintendent Abdul Jabbar Ali, PHA Director General Abdul Jabbar Shaheen had pledged and demonstrated their support and commitment to the initiative. The TEPF CEO added that the good news was that all the relevant city government organisations were working together as a team alongside TEPF and student volunteers to bring about this change.
She added that TEPF wants to partner with city government organisations like WASA, PHA, railways, LWM, Cantonment Board and other such organisations to support the community service activities the student volunteers were carrying out. “We have identified several areas, where student volunteers will participate in cleaning. Additional projects will be added to the pipeline based on the students’ input and suggestions,” she said.
About TEPF, Zar said that the TEPF was a start-up not for profit/non-government organisation dedicated to inculcating social responsibility through community service in Pakistan.
Locals appreciated the campaign and said that this campaign would attract other citizens to join them in cleaning their own city.
Daily Times
April 04, 2011
LAHORE: After successfully cleaning the Ganda Nala on Zafar Ali Road, students of various institutes got together to clean the railway tracks and the burnt bogies of the railways on Sunday as a part of the ‘Clean Lahore Campaign’ under the banner of The Environment Protection Fund (TEPF).
TEPF has started working with school and college students on community service projects. Together, the Lahore Waste Management (LWM), Lahore Cantonment Board (LCB), Pakistan Railways, City District Government Lahore (CDGL), Parks and Horticulture Authority (PHA) and students from the Lahore Grammar School (LGS), National College of Business Administration and Economics (NCBA&E) and LACAS participated in cleaning up non-biodegradable garbage and also engaged the community to participate in the effort.
The bogies had been burnt after the assassination of Pakistan People’s Party’s (PPP) former chairperson Benazir Bhutto.
Talking to Daily Times, TEPF CEO Zar Aslam said, “TEPF is accomplishing social change through advocacy, awareness campaigns and to lobby for a change in the government policy (at the federal and provincial level), so that it mandates 48 hours of community service in the private and public industry verticals.” She added that TEPF is also providing programmes, projects, tools and certification for community work under the clean, green and protect initiatives. Zar said that our objective is to turn social responsibility through community work into a grassroots movement.
She further said that all government departments, including LWM Managing Director Waseem Ajmal Chaudhry, LCB CEO Aftab Ahmed Asif, Pakistan Railways Lahore Division Superintendent Abdul Jabbar Ali, PHA Director General Abdul Jabbar Shaheen had pledged and demonstrated their support and commitment to the initiative. The TEPF CEO added that the good news was that all the relevant city government organisations were working together as a team alongside TEPF and student volunteers to bring about this change.
She added that TEPF wants to partner with city government organisations like WASA, PHA, railways, LWM, Cantonment Board and other such organisations to support the community service activities the student volunteers were carrying out. “We have identified several areas, where student volunteers will participate in cleaning. Additional projects will be added to the pipeline based on the students’ input and suggestions,” she said.
About TEPF, Zar said that the TEPF was a start-up not for profit/non-government organisation dedicated to inculcating social responsibility through community service in Pakistan.
Locals appreciated the campaign and said that this campaign would attract other citizens to join them in cleaning their own city.
RabzonKhan
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ANALYSIS: IDP childrens right to education
Dawn
Farhat Taj
April 09 2011
Military operations in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and the Taliban atrocities in the area have displaced hundreds of thousands of people. This has led to multiple human rights violation of the internally displaced persons (IDPs), including the IDP childrens right to education. I came across hundreds of IDP children who were earlier in schools in FATA but have now ended up in child labour due their families economic hardships caused by the displacement or their families struggle very hard to keep them in schools and colleges in the places where they now live as IDPs.
Bilal, an IDP from Parachinar, is in 7th grade in school. His father, Muhammad Jan, recently died of a kidney ailment that he could not afford to get treated due to economic constraints caused by the displacement. He was an automobile mechanic linked with the office of the political agent, Kurram. Bilal has four sisters and his mother, an illiterate housewife, now does not know how to keep her children in school without any source of earning. The family needs a sustainable source of income for subsistence in the displacement. The family has received no financial assistance from the Kurram political administration that Bilals father served for 15 years as an automobile mechanic.
Ahmed, an old displaced school student, is brother of a Taliban foot soldier who died in a US drone attack. His mother is terrified. She does not want to see Ahmed ending up with the Taliban. She wants him to study and live a normal, peaceful life as an educated man. The family is under intense financial constraints and needs help to keep Ahmed in school.
Zenaba, another IDP woman, has a daughter who is in college and needs financial help to keep her in college. Her husband is unable to earn or even live a normal life due to unstable mental health for several years. This tribal woman, Zenaba, is determined that her daughter must get higher education to be able to earn for herself.
There are many other countless stories of the IDP families from FATA who need help for their childrens education. The government has ignored such families plight to date. A case in point is the complaint of the Parachinar Reform Committee (PRC), a committee formed by the IDPs from Parachinar now based in Kohat since their displacement in 2007. Attaullah Khan, spokesman of the PRC, informs that there are about 110 students among the Parachinar IDPs who need immediate financial support to continue their education. Several of those students work after school time but this makes no significant contribution in easing the economic constraints of their displaced families. The PRC committee has been requesting the FATA education authorities as well as political administration of Kurram for years to provide monthly stipends to the needy displaced students but to no avail. Attaullah Khan as well as internally displaced parents who I met argue that the political administrations in FATA have hefty sums of money at their disposal and it would not make much difference to them if some of the money is spent to support the IDP families who want to keep children in educational institutions despite the sufferings caused by displacement. They wonder where does all the money go that comes to Pakistan from international donors in the name of FATA. The money is certainly not reaching the most needy people of the area.
True, families all over Pakistan find it increasingly difficult to spend on childrens education due to the rising inflation in the country. The FATA displaced families are a different case though. This case is directly linked with the ongoing security situation in the country. They have been rendered homeless by the state in pursuit of some state agenda that led to the current security crisis in FATA. It is now the responsibility of the state to bring some normalcy in the displaced peoples lives, including direct financial support to the IDPs families with children in educational institutions. This is especially important for families like Ahmeds who may have a history with the Taliban but are now determined to break away from that history for good. The internally displaced families determined on girls education need to be especially helped in terms of financial support since widespread womens education is necessary for FATA to counter the extremist propaganda from the right-wing religious parties, the only political forces legally allowed to operate in FATA through mosques and madrassas.
Sunni and Shia IDPs from Kurram deserve special government support in the context of the sectarian tension in this Agency and elsewhere in Pakistan. To prevent children and young people on both sides from falling into the hands of sectarian militant groups, the government must go an extra mile to facilitate their access to education through stipends to every Shia and Sunni IDP student. Several Sunni tribal leaders inform that anti-Shia militant groups approach them to offer financial help in return for a certain number of young men for recruitment in the groups. The tribal leaders say they have been politely refusing such offers because they do not want their future generation to be consumed by the sectarian fire that has already disrupted their present. They, however, express the concern that it may be increasingly difficult for them to control all young people, who are frustrated by the sufferings caused by displacement and the governments failure to restore the writ of the state in Kurram.
Education is the right of every child and besides the government, the larger Pakhtun civil society also has a responsibility to help in this regard. I have not seen any substantial efforts coming from Pakhtun civil society. Take, for example, the two Pakhtun nationalist political parties, the Awami National Party (ANP) and Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party (PkMAP). True that the two parties are under pressure from the intelligence agencies of Pakistan, but that does not mean they cannot do anything to effect some change in their biggest bone of contention with the ISI FATA and its use as strategic space for control over Afghanistan.
A tribal leader from Kurram informs that once he told Asfandyar Wali Khan, the ANP leader, that his party must stop raising slogans of Pakhtun nationalism if the party has nothing to offer the FATA IDPs. The tribal leader has a point. There are so many rich people in the ANP and PkMAP. Why cannot they quietly reach out to the IDPs families to support their childrens education with donations? I have not seen any evidence of the ISI pressure stopping them from doing that. The avowed Pakhtun nationalists have disappointed the IDPs, just like the state authority responsible for FATA, the federal government of Pakistan.
The writer is a PhD Research Fellow with the University of Oslo and currently writing a book, Taliban and Anti-Taliban
Dawn
Farhat Taj
April 09 2011
Military operations in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and the Taliban atrocities in the area have displaced hundreds of thousands of people. This has led to multiple human rights violation of the internally displaced persons (IDPs), including the IDP childrens right to education. I came across hundreds of IDP children who were earlier in schools in FATA but have now ended up in child labour due their families economic hardships caused by the displacement or their families struggle very hard to keep them in schools and colleges in the places where they now live as IDPs.
Bilal, an IDP from Parachinar, is in 7th grade in school. His father, Muhammad Jan, recently died of a kidney ailment that he could not afford to get treated due to economic constraints caused by the displacement. He was an automobile mechanic linked with the office of the political agent, Kurram. Bilal has four sisters and his mother, an illiterate housewife, now does not know how to keep her children in school without any source of earning. The family needs a sustainable source of income for subsistence in the displacement. The family has received no financial assistance from the Kurram political administration that Bilals father served for 15 years as an automobile mechanic.
Ahmed, an old displaced school student, is brother of a Taliban foot soldier who died in a US drone attack. His mother is terrified. She does not want to see Ahmed ending up with the Taliban. She wants him to study and live a normal, peaceful life as an educated man. The family is under intense financial constraints and needs help to keep Ahmed in school.
Zenaba, another IDP woman, has a daughter who is in college and needs financial help to keep her in college. Her husband is unable to earn or even live a normal life due to unstable mental health for several years. This tribal woman, Zenaba, is determined that her daughter must get higher education to be able to earn for herself.
There are many other countless stories of the IDP families from FATA who need help for their childrens education. The government has ignored such families plight to date. A case in point is the complaint of the Parachinar Reform Committee (PRC), a committee formed by the IDPs from Parachinar now based in Kohat since their displacement in 2007. Attaullah Khan, spokesman of the PRC, informs that there are about 110 students among the Parachinar IDPs who need immediate financial support to continue their education. Several of those students work after school time but this makes no significant contribution in easing the economic constraints of their displaced families. The PRC committee has been requesting the FATA education authorities as well as political administration of Kurram for years to provide monthly stipends to the needy displaced students but to no avail. Attaullah Khan as well as internally displaced parents who I met argue that the political administrations in FATA have hefty sums of money at their disposal and it would not make much difference to them if some of the money is spent to support the IDP families who want to keep children in educational institutions despite the sufferings caused by displacement. They wonder where does all the money go that comes to Pakistan from international donors in the name of FATA. The money is certainly not reaching the most needy people of the area.
True, families all over Pakistan find it increasingly difficult to spend on childrens education due to the rising inflation in the country. The FATA displaced families are a different case though. This case is directly linked with the ongoing security situation in the country. They have been rendered homeless by the state in pursuit of some state agenda that led to the current security crisis in FATA. It is now the responsibility of the state to bring some normalcy in the displaced peoples lives, including direct financial support to the IDPs families with children in educational institutions. This is especially important for families like Ahmeds who may have a history with the Taliban but are now determined to break away from that history for good. The internally displaced families determined on girls education need to be especially helped in terms of financial support since widespread womens education is necessary for FATA to counter the extremist propaganda from the right-wing religious parties, the only political forces legally allowed to operate in FATA through mosques and madrassas.
Sunni and Shia IDPs from Kurram deserve special government support in the context of the sectarian tension in this Agency and elsewhere in Pakistan. To prevent children and young people on both sides from falling into the hands of sectarian militant groups, the government must go an extra mile to facilitate their access to education through stipends to every Shia and Sunni IDP student. Several Sunni tribal leaders inform that anti-Shia militant groups approach them to offer financial help in return for a certain number of young men for recruitment in the groups. The tribal leaders say they have been politely refusing such offers because they do not want their future generation to be consumed by the sectarian fire that has already disrupted their present. They, however, express the concern that it may be increasingly difficult for them to control all young people, who are frustrated by the sufferings caused by displacement and the governments failure to restore the writ of the state in Kurram.
Education is the right of every child and besides the government, the larger Pakhtun civil society also has a responsibility to help in this regard. I have not seen any substantial efforts coming from Pakhtun civil society. Take, for example, the two Pakhtun nationalist political parties, the Awami National Party (ANP) and Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party (PkMAP). True that the two parties are under pressure from the intelligence agencies of Pakistan, but that does not mean they cannot do anything to effect some change in their biggest bone of contention with the ISI FATA and its use as strategic space for control over Afghanistan.
A tribal leader from Kurram informs that once he told Asfandyar Wali Khan, the ANP leader, that his party must stop raising slogans of Pakhtun nationalism if the party has nothing to offer the FATA IDPs. The tribal leader has a point. There are so many rich people in the ANP and PkMAP. Why cannot they quietly reach out to the IDPs families to support their childrens education with donations? I have not seen any evidence of the ISI pressure stopping them from doing that. The avowed Pakhtun nationalists have disappointed the IDPs, just like the state authority responsible for FATA, the federal government of Pakistan.
The writer is a PhD Research Fellow with the University of Oslo and currently writing a book, Taliban and Anti-Taliban
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A portrait of Pakistan
The News
Ghazi Salahuddin
April 10, 2011
Does Pakistan, at this time, inspire some hope or utter dejection? And how can we be rational and objective in making our own assessment of the prevailing reality?
My own experience is that in spite of the ceaseless pounding of the electronic news media on our senses, even the fairly educated are mostly ignorant of some basic facts that relate to our major predicaments. Nor do they have any great respect for logical reasoning. Yet, they are generally very passionate in presenting their own perspective on the country and its problems.
Whenever I have an opportunity to speak to a class in a higher education institute, I ask them to do an exercise: paint a portrait of Pakistan with facts and figures that you think are the most important and then make your own analysis to try to figure out what, in your opinion, is happening to this country and where it is going.
My purpose, essentially, is to make them think - a task that mostly seems forbidding in our society. Yes, there are always a few students in every large class who are well-informed and smart. But a majority of them makes you seriously apprehensive about the future of this country. The level of intellectual degradation that I detect during such encounters is mind-boggling.
Anyhow, as I struggle to engage them in a discussion on current affairs, I begin with some simple observations. Pakistan, for instance, is the sixth largest country in the world in terms of population. It is one of the seven countries that have proclaimed nuclear capability. Another high ranking that we have, among the top 10, is the size of our standing army.
After this, one has to fathom the lower depths of our existence. The questions to be posed are obvious. What, for instance, is our ranking in the UNDPs Human Development Index? What is our rate of literacy? What percentage of our population has access to safe drinking water, electricity and medical care? Where do we stand in the context of infant mortality? How do we compare in these areas with other countries of the region, with the countries in sub-Saharan Africa?
Yes, I also underline the need for identifying factors that are positive and encourage a measure of confidence in the future of the country. We do have individuals who have made their mark on the worlds stage, including students. There has recently been a focus on Pakistani writers who write in English. A number of our painters have done astonishing work. We are celebrating Faiz in this centennial year of his birth and it is always a joy to realise that we had a poet such as Faiz in our midst. We surely have something to celebrate in the midst of this onslaught of gloom.
My argument is that a concerned and educated citizen should draw his or her own portrait of Pakistan on the basis of hard facts and relevant information. In addition, one must also have a fair appreciation of Pakistans historical experience and its social, political and economic implications. In fact, compiling a fact sheet on Pakistan should be the first step in a conscious endeavour to understand the present drift of the nation and to be able to decide what role one must play to join the struggle for Pakistans survival.
I think it is important for all of us to take sides and have opinions that are founded on a careful analysis of the entire situation. In this respect, it would be vital to engage in serious discussions in a setting in which the interlocutors are willing to be patient in assessing the contrary point of view. Unfortunately, an enabling environment for such debates is simply not available because of religious extremism and the intolerance that prevails at various levels.
Our talk shows, for instance, are usually devoid of any civilised and reasoned dialogue. Even more discouraging is the fact that rational debate is hardly possible on our campuses, in spite of any contribution that HEC may have made to improve the quality of our higher education. I am aware of one incredible incident when some students of a department of the University of Karachi became enraged when their teacher began to elaborate the meaning and significance of Reformation and Renaissance with reference to the evolution of modern Europe. They alleged that this was a subterfuge to promote secular ideas.
So what do you do to raise the level of public discourse in this intellectual wilderness? One piece of advice that I have for students with whom I am sometimes able to interact is they should at least read newspapers and become aware of not just the political statements that are recycled on the outer pages but also look at comments that are made by national and international commentators. We do sometimes feel inhibited about expressing our thoughts in a candid manner and this discretion tends to enhance the significance of assessments made by foreign publications and institutions.
As I write these words on Saturday, this mornings newspapers are on my table. One major headline relates to the annual human rights report of the US State Department. About Pakistan, it says that a failure to credibly investigate allegations, impose disciplinary or accountability measures, and consistently prosecute those responsible for abuses contributed to a culture of impunity. The report has identified extra-judicial killings, disappearances and torture as major human rights violations in Pakistan.
I would also like to refer to a rather detailed report on Pakistan that The Economist had carried last week. Its title: A great deal of ruin in a nation. It said that Pakistan is not a country for those of a nervous disposition. With reference to increasing incidents of terrorism and displays of fundamentalist religious and anti-Western feeling in the country, the respected news weekly makes this thought-provoking observation: All this might be expected in Somalia or Yemen, but not in a country of great sophistication which boasts an elite educated at Oxbridge and the Ivy League, which produces brilliant novelists, artists and scientists, and is armed with nuclear weapons.
This, essentially, is the enigma of Pakistan. It has nurtured primitive passions as well as impressive expressions of creativity and enterprise. At times, it seems that the forces of extremism and intolerance are gaining ground. Still, there is some potential for democratic development that is occasionally manifested in the resilience of our civil society organisations.
If there are two Pakistans, which one would you like to defend? As I said, it has become necessary to take sides. But this choice has to be made in the light of what one knows about the country and its social and political evolution. I recall the comment of an Arab womens-rights activist: The goal is to liberate the minds of our people.
The News
Ghazi Salahuddin
April 10, 2011
Does Pakistan, at this time, inspire some hope or utter dejection? And how can we be rational and objective in making our own assessment of the prevailing reality?
My own experience is that in spite of the ceaseless pounding of the electronic news media on our senses, even the fairly educated are mostly ignorant of some basic facts that relate to our major predicaments. Nor do they have any great respect for logical reasoning. Yet, they are generally very passionate in presenting their own perspective on the country and its problems.
Whenever I have an opportunity to speak to a class in a higher education institute, I ask them to do an exercise: paint a portrait of Pakistan with facts and figures that you think are the most important and then make your own analysis to try to figure out what, in your opinion, is happening to this country and where it is going.
My purpose, essentially, is to make them think - a task that mostly seems forbidding in our society. Yes, there are always a few students in every large class who are well-informed and smart. But a majority of them makes you seriously apprehensive about the future of this country. The level of intellectual degradation that I detect during such encounters is mind-boggling.
Anyhow, as I struggle to engage them in a discussion on current affairs, I begin with some simple observations. Pakistan, for instance, is the sixth largest country in the world in terms of population. It is one of the seven countries that have proclaimed nuclear capability. Another high ranking that we have, among the top 10, is the size of our standing army.
After this, one has to fathom the lower depths of our existence. The questions to be posed are obvious. What, for instance, is our ranking in the UNDPs Human Development Index? What is our rate of literacy? What percentage of our population has access to safe drinking water, electricity and medical care? Where do we stand in the context of infant mortality? How do we compare in these areas with other countries of the region, with the countries in sub-Saharan Africa?
Yes, I also underline the need for identifying factors that are positive and encourage a measure of confidence in the future of the country. We do have individuals who have made their mark on the worlds stage, including students. There has recently been a focus on Pakistani writers who write in English. A number of our painters have done astonishing work. We are celebrating Faiz in this centennial year of his birth and it is always a joy to realise that we had a poet such as Faiz in our midst. We surely have something to celebrate in the midst of this onslaught of gloom.
My argument is that a concerned and educated citizen should draw his or her own portrait of Pakistan on the basis of hard facts and relevant information. In addition, one must also have a fair appreciation of Pakistans historical experience and its social, political and economic implications. In fact, compiling a fact sheet on Pakistan should be the first step in a conscious endeavour to understand the present drift of the nation and to be able to decide what role one must play to join the struggle for Pakistans survival.
I think it is important for all of us to take sides and have opinions that are founded on a careful analysis of the entire situation. In this respect, it would be vital to engage in serious discussions in a setting in which the interlocutors are willing to be patient in assessing the contrary point of view. Unfortunately, an enabling environment for such debates is simply not available because of religious extremism and the intolerance that prevails at various levels.
Our talk shows, for instance, are usually devoid of any civilised and reasoned dialogue. Even more discouraging is the fact that rational debate is hardly possible on our campuses, in spite of any contribution that HEC may have made to improve the quality of our higher education. I am aware of one incredible incident when some students of a department of the University of Karachi became enraged when their teacher began to elaborate the meaning and significance of Reformation and Renaissance with reference to the evolution of modern Europe. They alleged that this was a subterfuge to promote secular ideas.
So what do you do to raise the level of public discourse in this intellectual wilderness? One piece of advice that I have for students with whom I am sometimes able to interact is they should at least read newspapers and become aware of not just the political statements that are recycled on the outer pages but also look at comments that are made by national and international commentators. We do sometimes feel inhibited about expressing our thoughts in a candid manner and this discretion tends to enhance the significance of assessments made by foreign publications and institutions.
As I write these words on Saturday, this mornings newspapers are on my table. One major headline relates to the annual human rights report of the US State Department. About Pakistan, it says that a failure to credibly investigate allegations, impose disciplinary or accountability measures, and consistently prosecute those responsible for abuses contributed to a culture of impunity. The report has identified extra-judicial killings, disappearances and torture as major human rights violations in Pakistan.
I would also like to refer to a rather detailed report on Pakistan that The Economist had carried last week. Its title: A great deal of ruin in a nation. It said that Pakistan is not a country for those of a nervous disposition. With reference to increasing incidents of terrorism and displays of fundamentalist religious and anti-Western feeling in the country, the respected news weekly makes this thought-provoking observation: All this might be expected in Somalia or Yemen, but not in a country of great sophistication which boasts an elite educated at Oxbridge and the Ivy League, which produces brilliant novelists, artists and scientists, and is armed with nuclear weapons.
This, essentially, is the enigma of Pakistan. It has nurtured primitive passions as well as impressive expressions of creativity and enterprise. At times, it seems that the forces of extremism and intolerance are gaining ground. Still, there is some potential for democratic development that is occasionally manifested in the resilience of our civil society organisations.
If there are two Pakistans, which one would you like to defend? As I said, it has become necessary to take sides. But this choice has to be made in the light of what one knows about the country and its social and political evolution. I recall the comment of an Arab womens-rights activist: The goal is to liberate the minds of our people.
RabzonKhan
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Democracy and federalism
Noreen Haider
Saturday, April 16, 2011
The 18th Amendment has been declared one of the major achievements of the present government and credit has been taken by all its coalition partners. Under the amendment more and more ministries are being devolved to the provinces in order to bring about greater provincial autonomy in accordance with the spirit of the Constitution.
However, provincial autonomy is not an end in itself. The important thing to consider is whether amendments to the Constitution are taking us any closer to our strengthening of federalism in Pakistan, developing a more pluralistic society, accepting diversity of all forms and shades in the provinces and strengthening Pakistan by its federating units stronger. Perhaps the most important question would be whether the power shift from the centre to the provinces will bring about improvement in governance also.
Federalism is not just about provincial autonomy; rather it is about the equation between the centre and the federating units and between the various federating units themselves. It assumes that devolution of power and responsibilities to provinces would facilitate better and more effective systems. But we cannot consider devolution of power from the centre to the provinces an achievement in itself. There is an inherent flaw in the assumption that somehow devolution, by itself, generates better governance. Devolution can be the first step towards better governance. But contrary to popular belief, there is no cause-and-effect element to devolution, one which would automatically bring about better and more efficient governance.
Improvement in governance in any system requires strong institutions, competent government machinery, improved laws and regulations, efficient mechanisms in place and strong economic growth. The efficient running of the government depends on an equally vibrant parliament, a vigilant society aware of its fundamental and civil rights, an independent judiciary and a strong media. After more than sixty years of independence, most of these requisites are glaringly missing.
There is this much trumpeted new and budding democracy in Pakistan, yet the reality is abysmally different. It is important to understand the real constraints in the strengthening of federalism and democratic institutions in Pakistan, and all that it entails.
Pakistan is not a homogeneous country; in fact all its federating units are dissimilar to each other. There is not only diversity in ethnicity, habitat, climate, terrain, language, culture, dress, beliefs, traditions, mannerism, rituals and norms but there is actually a great deal of hostility and antagonism between some of the federating units stretching back in time.
There are also gaping differences in the extent of development, urbanization, industrialisation, resources, literacy, access to social services like education, and healthcare, clean drinking water, opportunities of employment, livelihood and communication. In fact, an outsider who visited Islamabad or some posh locality in Lahore and Karachi would not believe that just a few of hours drive from the more developed cities there are places where people have never had the luxury of electricity, plumbing, clean drinking water, a school, or a doctor. They dont know what television is and are little aware of life outside their villages. For them time is standing still for centuries and life has little to offer. This is not talking of a forgotten small community in a jungle somewhere, but actually of millions of people in Pakistan living like this. They live in the same century as the rest of us, only existing in prehistoric times in terms of the quality of their lives.
In such a country there cannot be a single benchmark to measure human development, or progress in terms of a nation. The federating units and their districts in some ways appear to exist in different times and ages in terms of development. For a person unfamiliar with this reality of Pakistan it might be hard to believe, but for the people who have travelled well within Pakistan and are familiar with the reality of its rural and remote areas, it is just the stating of a fact.
For such a widely diverse country federalism seems to be the only logical system, which although does not provide all the solutions but has the flexibility within itself to accommodate and find solution to problems unique to each of the federating units. It also provides the opportunity to the people to be citizens of one country while retaining their individual identity with respect to their particular regions. But federalism has never actually taken roots in here because of the assumption of the ruling establishment that Pakistan is one country and should be governed through a strong centre.
To be concluded
The writer is a journalist and has extensive experience of research and monitoring in disasters.
Noreen Haider
Saturday, April 16, 2011
The 18th Amendment has been declared one of the major achievements of the present government and credit has been taken by all its coalition partners. Under the amendment more and more ministries are being devolved to the provinces in order to bring about greater provincial autonomy in accordance with the spirit of the Constitution.
However, provincial autonomy is not an end in itself. The important thing to consider is whether amendments to the Constitution are taking us any closer to our strengthening of federalism in Pakistan, developing a more pluralistic society, accepting diversity of all forms and shades in the provinces and strengthening Pakistan by its federating units stronger. Perhaps the most important question would be whether the power shift from the centre to the provinces will bring about improvement in governance also.
Federalism is not just about provincial autonomy; rather it is about the equation between the centre and the federating units and between the various federating units themselves. It assumes that devolution of power and responsibilities to provinces would facilitate better and more effective systems. But we cannot consider devolution of power from the centre to the provinces an achievement in itself. There is an inherent flaw in the assumption that somehow devolution, by itself, generates better governance. Devolution can be the first step towards better governance. But contrary to popular belief, there is no cause-and-effect element to devolution, one which would automatically bring about better and more efficient governance.
Improvement in governance in any system requires strong institutions, competent government machinery, improved laws and regulations, efficient mechanisms in place and strong economic growth. The efficient running of the government depends on an equally vibrant parliament, a vigilant society aware of its fundamental and civil rights, an independent judiciary and a strong media. After more than sixty years of independence, most of these requisites are glaringly missing.
There is this much trumpeted new and budding democracy in Pakistan, yet the reality is abysmally different. It is important to understand the real constraints in the strengthening of federalism and democratic institutions in Pakistan, and all that it entails.
Pakistan is not a homogeneous country; in fact all its federating units are dissimilar to each other. There is not only diversity in ethnicity, habitat, climate, terrain, language, culture, dress, beliefs, traditions, mannerism, rituals and norms but there is actually a great deal of hostility and antagonism between some of the federating units stretching back in time.
There are also gaping differences in the extent of development, urbanization, industrialisation, resources, literacy, access to social services like education, and healthcare, clean drinking water, opportunities of employment, livelihood and communication. In fact, an outsider who visited Islamabad or some posh locality in Lahore and Karachi would not believe that just a few of hours drive from the more developed cities there are places where people have never had the luxury of electricity, plumbing, clean drinking water, a school, or a doctor. They dont know what television is and are little aware of life outside their villages. For them time is standing still for centuries and life has little to offer. This is not talking of a forgotten small community in a jungle somewhere, but actually of millions of people in Pakistan living like this. They live in the same century as the rest of us, only existing in prehistoric times in terms of the quality of their lives.
In such a country there cannot be a single benchmark to measure human development, or progress in terms of a nation. The federating units and their districts in some ways appear to exist in different times and ages in terms of development. For a person unfamiliar with this reality of Pakistan it might be hard to believe, but for the people who have travelled well within Pakistan and are familiar with the reality of its rural and remote areas, it is just the stating of a fact.
For such a widely diverse country federalism seems to be the only logical system, which although does not provide all the solutions but has the flexibility within itself to accommodate and find solution to problems unique to each of the federating units. It also provides the opportunity to the people to be citizens of one country while retaining their individual identity with respect to their particular regions. But federalism has never actually taken roots in here because of the assumption of the ruling establishment that Pakistan is one country and should be governed through a strong centre.
To be concluded
The writer is a journalist and has extensive experience of research and monitoring in disasters.
RabzonKhan
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Military interventions weaken democracy: CJP
By: Irfan Bukhari | Published: April 17, 2011
Islamabad, Military interventions in political process not only weakens democratic institutions in Pakistan but also adversely impacts constitutional and legal developments in the country, Chief Justice of Pakistan (CJP) Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry said on Saturday.
The primacy of unelected institutions over representative organs left parliament weak and subservient to the executive, he said while addressing the visiting officers of Command and Staff College in Quetta. The CJP said the democratically-elected governments never truly consolidated democratic institutions as they were never able to enforce good governance, economic progress or the culture of rule of law in the country because of these interventions.
A government elected by the constitution can only perform its functions and ensure observance of the provisions of the constitution by making the civil power superior to and not subordinate to the armed forces during peace and war, he said. He said all the institutions including legislature, executive and the judiciary were the creation of the constitution which was the supreme law of the land.
Therefore, it is incumbent upon them to work for the protection of this sacred document, he said. The CJP said welfare of the people must be the supreme consideration of all institutions and all functionaries of the state. But in achieving this grand objective, we must make consistent efforts, by remaining in our allotted sphere, to realise the same, he said, adding in adherence to constitutionalism and legal principles lay our salvation and future development as a civilised nation.
Pakistan being governed by a written constitution, all powers and duties of the armed forces must flow from the provisions of such constitution. The history of Pakistan reflects recurring conflict between the underdeveloped political system and a well organised army. When there are political crises, we have witnessed military intervention followed by a military rule. Thus, there emerged a vicious circle of brief political dispensation followed by prolonged military rule.
This state of affairs brought many setbacks and hampered the process of evolution of constitutionalism and democratic system of governance, the CJP said. He said the constitution of 1973 for the first time introduced a new chapter for the armed forces containing provisions pertaining to their command, oath and functions.
Every member of the armed forces, according to the oath, is bound to bear true faith and allegiance to Pakistan and uphold the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan which embodies the will of the people. Furthermore, he will not engage himself in any political activities whatsoever, and will honestly and faithfully serve Pakistan, he added. He said it was also for the first time in the constitutional history of Pakistan that in the constitution of 1973 the oath of the members of the armed forces had been incorporated. Earlier to this provision, they took oath prescribed in the Pakistan Army Act 1952 and the rules there under.
By this measure, conscious effort was made, by the framers of the Constitution to clearly delineate role for the armed forces, responsible for its defence, security and to safeguard the constitution from any adventurism, the CJP said.
By: Irfan Bukhari | Published: April 17, 2011
Islamabad, Military interventions in political process not only weakens democratic institutions in Pakistan but also adversely impacts constitutional and legal developments in the country, Chief Justice of Pakistan (CJP) Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry said on Saturday.
The primacy of unelected institutions over representative organs left parliament weak and subservient to the executive, he said while addressing the visiting officers of Command and Staff College in Quetta. The CJP said the democratically-elected governments never truly consolidated democratic institutions as they were never able to enforce good governance, economic progress or the culture of rule of law in the country because of these interventions.
A government elected by the constitution can only perform its functions and ensure observance of the provisions of the constitution by making the civil power superior to and not subordinate to the armed forces during peace and war, he said. He said all the institutions including legislature, executive and the judiciary were the creation of the constitution which was the supreme law of the land.
Therefore, it is incumbent upon them to work for the protection of this sacred document, he said. The CJP said welfare of the people must be the supreme consideration of all institutions and all functionaries of the state. But in achieving this grand objective, we must make consistent efforts, by remaining in our allotted sphere, to realise the same, he said, adding in adherence to constitutionalism and legal principles lay our salvation and future development as a civilised nation.
Pakistan being governed by a written constitution, all powers and duties of the armed forces must flow from the provisions of such constitution. The history of Pakistan reflects recurring conflict between the underdeveloped political system and a well organised army. When there are political crises, we have witnessed military intervention followed by a military rule. Thus, there emerged a vicious circle of brief political dispensation followed by prolonged military rule.
This state of affairs brought many setbacks and hampered the process of evolution of constitutionalism and democratic system of governance, the CJP said. He said the constitution of 1973 for the first time introduced a new chapter for the armed forces containing provisions pertaining to their command, oath and functions.
Every member of the armed forces, according to the oath, is bound to bear true faith and allegiance to Pakistan and uphold the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan which embodies the will of the people. Furthermore, he will not engage himself in any political activities whatsoever, and will honestly and faithfully serve Pakistan, he added. He said it was also for the first time in the constitutional history of Pakistan that in the constitution of 1973 the oath of the members of the armed forces had been incorporated. Earlier to this provision, they took oath prescribed in the Pakistan Army Act 1952 and the rules there under.
By this measure, conscious effort was made, by the framers of the Constitution to clearly delineate role for the armed forces, responsible for its defence, security and to safeguard the constitution from any adventurism, the CJP said.
RabzonKhan
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EDITORIAL: A needed address
Daily Times
April 18 2011
Chief Justice (CJ) of Pakistan Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry is making his presence felt outside the courtroom as well. In what can only be called a remarkably candid address to the officers of the Command and Staff College in Quetta, the CJ spoke of many things, most prominent of which were the ravages of our political system. He cautioned his audience to preserve the sacred oath they had taken to protect their country at all costs and to defend the constitution. In a rather honest overture, he reminded the army officers that the political system in the country had been overwrought with military interventions and that these stunted the growth of democratic institutions.
These are all truthful words and it is encouraging to see the highest judicial voice in the land rising to address these issues. However, there are many things that have been left unsaid for too long where these matters are concerned and this address, while honest and fair, did not delve into the details and the reasons for the constant circumventing of democracy in this country. When the CJ mentioned that military interventions have cut short the democratic process, he did not talk about the fact that, throughout the years, it has been the judiciary that has been complicit whenever a coup has been staged. Democracy in Pakistan is like a festering wound, one that, when it starts healing, the gauze of the political process is ripped off and the wound is left to bleed again. Not just the military, but the political leaders, who have made their parties their own personal fiefdoms of dynastic rule, have also given democracy a superficial cover. Consolidating the process of democracy and making strong the political process must be taken up in earnest by these very forces, not remaining silent, indifferent or acting in a manner that prevents democracy from taking root.
If this was a motivational speech, the CJ should have outlined a few other basic points. He should have asserted that the post-2007 independent judiciary would not remain silent at or complicit with any military adventurism and that the bureaucracy, that has loyally served itself and its perks all these years, should be a servant of the democratic process and the people. He should have outlined that it is vital that fresh blood be introduced into the political arena by holding intra-party elections and putting an end to dynastic politics. Everyone has a part to play in upholding the virtues of democracy and it is important that a voice like that of the CJ keep reminding the people, the military, judiciary and the politicians of these sorry facts from our history.
Daily Times
April 18 2011
Chief Justice (CJ) of Pakistan Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry is making his presence felt outside the courtroom as well. In what can only be called a remarkably candid address to the officers of the Command and Staff College in Quetta, the CJ spoke of many things, most prominent of which were the ravages of our political system. He cautioned his audience to preserve the sacred oath they had taken to protect their country at all costs and to defend the constitution. In a rather honest overture, he reminded the army officers that the political system in the country had been overwrought with military interventions and that these stunted the growth of democratic institutions.
These are all truthful words and it is encouraging to see the highest judicial voice in the land rising to address these issues. However, there are many things that have been left unsaid for too long where these matters are concerned and this address, while honest and fair, did not delve into the details and the reasons for the constant circumventing of democracy in this country. When the CJ mentioned that military interventions have cut short the democratic process, he did not talk about the fact that, throughout the years, it has been the judiciary that has been complicit whenever a coup has been staged. Democracy in Pakistan is like a festering wound, one that, when it starts healing, the gauze of the political process is ripped off and the wound is left to bleed again. Not just the military, but the political leaders, who have made their parties their own personal fiefdoms of dynastic rule, have also given democracy a superficial cover. Consolidating the process of democracy and making strong the political process must be taken up in earnest by these very forces, not remaining silent, indifferent or acting in a manner that prevents democracy from taking root.
If this was a motivational speech, the CJ should have outlined a few other basic points. He should have asserted that the post-2007 independent judiciary would not remain silent at or complicit with any military adventurism and that the bureaucracy, that has loyally served itself and its perks all these years, should be a servant of the democratic process and the people. He should have outlined that it is vital that fresh blood be introduced into the political arena by holding intra-party elections and putting an end to dynastic politics. Everyone has a part to play in upholding the virtues of democracy and it is important that a voice like that of the CJ keep reminding the people, the military, judiciary and the politicians of these sorry facts from our history.
RabzonKhan
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Back in step?
By Editorial
The Express Tribune, May 2nd, 2011.
The place of dance in our society has changed since it was treated as some kind of evil by General Ziaul Haq. PHOTO: NEFER SEHGAL /EXPRESS
The place of dance in our society has changed since the days when it was treated as some kind of evil by General Ziaul Haq. Gradually, dance is regaining its acceptability. Of course, certain impediments remain, such as periodic official bans on it Lahore being a recent case in point. However, that may be because the form that appears in stage plays, though popular with audiences, is deemed to be out of sync with local traditions. That said, other forms have become more acceptable. Classes in all kinds of dance, ranging from classic to salsa, are available in some cities, schools offer lessons to pupils, women folk dancers have returned to the stage and the stigma imposed by one mans brand of Islam has begun to slowly, but distinctly, fade away.
Dance has been a part of our culture for centuries. However, there are still issues that stand in the way of progress. The state patronage available to classical dance in India is not available in Pakistan; this impedes the growth of the art form and is a major hindrance in its steady evolution and progression. The same problem applies to other classical art forms. Now that dance, and also music, is growing in popularity, the state needs to promote it. Dance is not just a form of entertainment, it is an important form of human expression.
We must be thankful that the attempt to banish it from our part of the globe has failed. But extremist groups still oppose it and bomb blasts have often targeted venues where dance and other performing art events were being staged. The fact that dance was pushed underground has also meant that there has been a loss of technical expertise. Many teachers and exponents felt they had no choice but to go abroad. A bigger effort is needed to restore the status of dance and move it into the centre of our cultural space.
By Editorial
The Express Tribune, May 2nd, 2011.
The place of dance in our society has changed since it was treated as some kind of evil by General Ziaul Haq. PHOTO: NEFER SEHGAL /EXPRESS
The place of dance in our society has changed since the days when it was treated as some kind of evil by General Ziaul Haq. Gradually, dance is regaining its acceptability. Of course, certain impediments remain, such as periodic official bans on it Lahore being a recent case in point. However, that may be because the form that appears in stage plays, though popular with audiences, is deemed to be out of sync with local traditions. That said, other forms have become more acceptable. Classes in all kinds of dance, ranging from classic to salsa, are available in some cities, schools offer lessons to pupils, women folk dancers have returned to the stage and the stigma imposed by one mans brand of Islam has begun to slowly, but distinctly, fade away.
Dance has been a part of our culture for centuries. However, there are still issues that stand in the way of progress. The state patronage available to classical dance in India is not available in Pakistan; this impedes the growth of the art form and is a major hindrance in its steady evolution and progression. The same problem applies to other classical art forms. Now that dance, and also music, is growing in popularity, the state needs to promote it. Dance is not just a form of entertainment, it is an important form of human expression.
We must be thankful that the attempt to banish it from our part of the globe has failed. But extremist groups still oppose it and bomb blasts have often targeted venues where dance and other performing art events were being staged. The fact that dance was pushed underground has also meant that there has been a loss of technical expertise. Many teachers and exponents felt they had no choice but to go abroad. A bigger effort is needed to restore the status of dance and move it into the centre of our cultural space.
RabzonKhan
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Lets move on
The News
Editorial
September 17, 2012
As expected, last week too, the attorney general turned up at the hearing of the Asghar Khan petition without the notification that enabled the formation of the ISIs political cell. After the court has itself ruled that there is no longer any ambiguity about the role of intelligence agencies in Pakistani politics and when it is a fact as clear as daylight that the ISIs political cell was set up by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 1975, how could the notification have disappeared off the surface of the earth? Or, as the chief justice himself asked on Thursday, when the political cell has been active for decades and up to all sorts of mischief, including distributing millions of rupees of public money among anti-PPP politicians to manipulate the 1990 elections, how is it possible that the notification that enabled this cell to be set up in the first place is nowhere to be found? Its not with the ministry of defence. The ministry of interior has no clue where it disappeared. The Cabinet Division has also come up with zilch. Nargis Sethi has no answers either. So where does one turn to the intelligence agency itself perhaps? Does the ISI have a copy and should the court summon one from it?
The larger point here is that, when the Asghar Khan case was first revived for hearing before the Supreme Court on February 29, many looked upon it as a litmus test of the Supreme Courts resolve to extend accountability to even the godliest altars of power in Pakistan. But as each hearing goes by, it looks like the hope for meaningful results will be dashed by those adamant not to allow the truth to come out. At this point then, in order to let proceedings move forward, we suggest that since the court has already ruled in two separate orders that money was indeed distributed by the ISI to influence the 1990 election and also that the ISI cannot legally operate a political cell, it is time for the process of real accountability to begin. We already have several definitive statements from the court that the non-uniformed arent the only ones accountable for their transgressions and that the political forays of the uniformed must stop. It is thus time to move on to punishing those who clearly transgressed all constitutional limits and sentence all those who willfully acted outside the ambit of the law and constitution in the discharge of, what they claim, were official duties. This is a chance for the court to draw red lines and not allow victory to those standing in the way of this case reaching its logical conclusion. In the recent past, the court has rightfully suspended the national assembly memberships of parliamentarians for breaking the law. It has even sent a prime minister home for placing his parochial political interests before his allegiance to the constitution. Good precedents have been set with all these rulings. It is now time to take to task top army officers who knowingly violated their oath of office and defiled the constitution, and in this way set a precedent against the political workings of the ISI and the army. Most importantly, such a precedent will also serve to save the institution itself from the illegal actions of a few officers.
The News
Editorial
September 17, 2012
As expected, last week too, the attorney general turned up at the hearing of the Asghar Khan petition without the notification that enabled the formation of the ISIs political cell. After the court has itself ruled that there is no longer any ambiguity about the role of intelligence agencies in Pakistani politics and when it is a fact as clear as daylight that the ISIs political cell was set up by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 1975, how could the notification have disappeared off the surface of the earth? Or, as the chief justice himself asked on Thursday, when the political cell has been active for decades and up to all sorts of mischief, including distributing millions of rupees of public money among anti-PPP politicians to manipulate the 1990 elections, how is it possible that the notification that enabled this cell to be set up in the first place is nowhere to be found? Its not with the ministry of defence. The ministry of interior has no clue where it disappeared. The Cabinet Division has also come up with zilch. Nargis Sethi has no answers either. So where does one turn to the intelligence agency itself perhaps? Does the ISI have a copy and should the court summon one from it?
The larger point here is that, when the Asghar Khan case was first revived for hearing before the Supreme Court on February 29, many looked upon it as a litmus test of the Supreme Courts resolve to extend accountability to even the godliest altars of power in Pakistan. But as each hearing goes by, it looks like the hope for meaningful results will be dashed by those adamant not to allow the truth to come out. At this point then, in order to let proceedings move forward, we suggest that since the court has already ruled in two separate orders that money was indeed distributed by the ISI to influence the 1990 election and also that the ISI cannot legally operate a political cell, it is time for the process of real accountability to begin. We already have several definitive statements from the court that the non-uniformed arent the only ones accountable for their transgressions and that the political forays of the uniformed must stop. It is thus time to move on to punishing those who clearly transgressed all constitutional limits and sentence all those who willfully acted outside the ambit of the law and constitution in the discharge of, what they claim, were official duties. This is a chance for the court to draw red lines and not allow victory to those standing in the way of this case reaching its logical conclusion. In the recent past, the court has rightfully suspended the national assembly memberships of parliamentarians for breaking the law. It has even sent a prime minister home for placing his parochial political interests before his allegiance to the constitution. Good precedents have been set with all these rulings. It is now time to take to task top army officers who knowingly violated their oath of office and defiled the constitution, and in this way set a precedent against the political workings of the ISI and the army. Most importantly, such a precedent will also serve to save the institution itself from the illegal actions of a few officers.
RabzonKhan
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Military mindset
Dawn
Editorial
Oct 06 2012
LACONIC it may have been, but the army chiefs recent statement on Balochistan came across as full of meaning and revealed a disturbing mindset. Before flying off to Moscow, Gen Pervez Kayani said the army would support any solution to the Balochistan crisis provided it was within the constitution. His statement was elaborated upon by an army official when he denied that the army was blocking any political initiative on Balochistan. The army chiefs remark came in the wake of Baloch nationalist Akhtar Mengals appearance in the Supreme Court and the talks he had in Islamabad with some leading politicians culminating in his six points. Whether or not Mr Mengals nostrum for solving Balochistans problems is in the interest of the province or the country is for the representatives of the people to decide; unelected institutions need not be officious. On the other hand, Gen Kayanis could have been an off-the-cuff remark. But given the number of times the military has suspended or tampered with the constitution in the past, it is not surprising that not everyone took his words at face value. We hope that the generals have learnt their lesson and stay well within the limits of the constitution.
While space doesnt permit a fuller review of the armys forays into politics and how it made and unmade constitutions, an example or two can be noted. Ziaul Haq at least was not being a hypocrite when he proclaimed that the constitution was nothing but a piece of paper he could tear up. What he considered to be his right as a general had already been demonstrated by two army chiefs. A fourth was to follow in 1999. Coinciding with Gen Kayanis remark, a defence ministry official denied before the SC the existence of a political cell in the ISI, a denial that flies in the face of Pakistans history. As irony would have it, the refutation came during the hearing of the Asghar Khan case in which a former ISI chief has himself placed before the court documents corroborating his assertion that the intelligence agency distributed money among its favourite politicians to create a multiparty alliance and manipulate the 1990 elections. Way back, another ex-ISI chief had also admitted to such tactics.
Army interventions have done enormous harm to Pakistan, militated against the evolution of democratic institutions, eroded the concept of civilian supremacy and corrupted the judiciary. Each time the army quit, the country was left in a greater mess and twice without a constitution (1969 and 1971). Today, the task before all Pakistanis is to consolidate the democratic process.
Dawn
Editorial
Oct 06 2012
LACONIC it may have been, but the army chiefs recent statement on Balochistan came across as full of meaning and revealed a disturbing mindset. Before flying off to Moscow, Gen Pervez Kayani said the army would support any solution to the Balochistan crisis provided it was within the constitution. His statement was elaborated upon by an army official when he denied that the army was blocking any political initiative on Balochistan. The army chiefs remark came in the wake of Baloch nationalist Akhtar Mengals appearance in the Supreme Court and the talks he had in Islamabad with some leading politicians culminating in his six points. Whether or not Mr Mengals nostrum for solving Balochistans problems is in the interest of the province or the country is for the representatives of the people to decide; unelected institutions need not be officious. On the other hand, Gen Kayanis could have been an off-the-cuff remark. But given the number of times the military has suspended or tampered with the constitution in the past, it is not surprising that not everyone took his words at face value. We hope that the generals have learnt their lesson and stay well within the limits of the constitution.
While space doesnt permit a fuller review of the armys forays into politics and how it made and unmade constitutions, an example or two can be noted. Ziaul Haq at least was not being a hypocrite when he proclaimed that the constitution was nothing but a piece of paper he could tear up. What he considered to be his right as a general had already been demonstrated by two army chiefs. A fourth was to follow in 1999. Coinciding with Gen Kayanis remark, a defence ministry official denied before the SC the existence of a political cell in the ISI, a denial that flies in the face of Pakistans history. As irony would have it, the refutation came during the hearing of the Asghar Khan case in which a former ISI chief has himself placed before the court documents corroborating his assertion that the intelligence agency distributed money among its favourite politicians to create a multiparty alliance and manipulate the 1990 elections. Way back, another ex-ISI chief had also admitted to such tactics.
Army interventions have done enormous harm to Pakistan, militated against the evolution of democratic institutions, eroded the concept of civilian supremacy and corrupted the judiciary. Each time the army quit, the country was left in a greater mess and twice without a constitution (1969 and 1971). Today, the task before all Pakistanis is to consolidate the democratic process.
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