Commemorating Jinnah on his 134th birthday

[PureAryan]

Commemorating Jinnah on his 134th birthday​

…FROM LUCKNOW TO LAHORE-UNITY TO DIVISION, A JOURNEY RECOUNTED, WRITES DR. JAVID IQBAL
In 1916, on the eve of signing the Lucknow pact, Sarojni Naidu-India’s nightingale called him ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity. By 1940, as the Pakistan resolution was moved by Bengal Muslim League leader-Fazl-ul-Haq Choudary in Lahore at what is now called Minar-i-Pakistan, Jinnah was named the villain out to negate, what he had strived to achieve earlier. He was forced to do it, say his protagonists; he did it out of vengeance, say his adversaries. The truth or lack of it, in either of the opposing assertions has of late assumed a raging debate, and it is bound to pick up, as the time lag clears the haze.

Lucknow Pact-Jinnah in 1916 took cue from national reconciliation mission of his mentor-Gopal Kishan Gokhle [1866-1915]. Gokhle died the year Gandhi returned following his experiments with truth in South Africa, to renew the experiment in a larger and more complex a laboratory-India! Gokhle and Jinnah were on same wavelength- politically reconcilable. Jinnah and Gandhi never clicked-an Indian tragedy. They turned irreconcilable!

In 1916, the effort to reconcile differing perceptions of Hindus and Muslims gained momentum. Gokhle proposals, known to few before public announcement in 1917 were-reforms to address Indian aspiration, provincial autonomy, legislature with 75-100 members [four fifths to be elected] members to be elected by various interests [some communities to have reserve seats] separate Muslims electorate, budget to be approved by members of legislature with governor having right of veto. On 17th November, a joint session of Congress and Muslim league was held in Calcutta, presided by Sir Surinder Nath Benerjee, a joint declaration mooted. In December Jinnah was elected president of All India Muslim League in Lucknow. Congress welcomed the choice. With active help of Bal Ganga Dhar Tilak, otherwise an extremist, Jinnah had the pact approved. ‘Only and only Muhammad Ali Jinnah made it possible’ [Bombay Chronicle-1st January 1917]. The principal aspects of the pact included-two thirds representation for Hindus and one third for Muslims in administrative services and legislature with the principle of reserved constituencies for Muslims accepted and contentious religious issues involving wider consensus to be resolved by four fifth’s of legislative majority.

Ajit Javid, a Delhi based political scientist in a book published in 1997 calls him a secular nationalist, which is in fact the title of her book also. He opposed Muslim League as it was formed in 1906. However by 1913, in order to work for Hindu-Muslim unity-his abiding passion he started attending Muslim League sessions regularly. He held the membership of Congress, of Muslim League, of Home rule League of Annie Beasent. In October 1916, he was chosen to head Bombay Congress and All India Muslim League, soon he headed Bombay Home rule league also. By 1916/17, he was working successfully to heal the rift between extremist Congress faction headed by Tilak and moderates of Gokhle hue. In 1906/07 Jinnah had volunteered to defend Tilak in a case of sedition telling his British superior-the prosecuting lawyer that Tilak was a patriot. He did not believe in partisan politics, even though in the Muslim political perception of those days BAL [Bal Ganga Dhar Tilak] PAL [Bipin Chandar Pal] and LAL [Lala Lajpat Rai] were taken to be inimical to Muslim interests.

How did then the man-Muhammad Ali Jinnah turn into leading a divisive movement after being the most visible unifying force in the first three decades of 20th century India? The question is not easy to answer and beyond the scope of this column. However we may summarize it as increasing marginalization of Jinnah, after Gandhi came to fore-post 1915. This could not be translated to mean that Gandhi was working for his marginalization; however the political forces were moving Gandhi’s way. Jinnah-ever the constitutionalist could not and did not reconcile to Gandhi’s Satyagrahi tactics, nor did he approve of ‘Pandal Politics’ wherein the Indian politics was taken to pandals seen in village panchyats.

Jinnah’s politics was limited to debating issues in constitutional chambers, bringing forth meaningful legislation, without rubble rousing and leaving the Aam Admi undisturbed to earn his living. Without mincing words, he communicated to Gandhi his distaste of his brand of politics. Jinnah resorted to agitation in 1946, for the first and the last time by giving a direct action call-August 16th was the date given to resort to direct action. This followed Nehru’s Bombay statement for a review in constitutional assembly of the power sharing agreement between the Congress and Muslim League, painstakingly worked out by British Cabinet mission, with the active cooperation of Maulana Azad, the then Congress president. In a loose federation the northwestern and northeastern Muslim majority provinces were to exercise a fair measure of autonomy. Jinnah considered Nehru’s statement, a breach of trust-of that later.

Jinnah’s working on Gokhle’s limited reconciliation agenda had hiked up his demands for Muslim political empowerment to 14 point charter of demands by 1929. The main points of which were-federal constitution with residuary powers with provinces, uniform measure of autonomy to all provinces with adequate and effective minority representation without reducing majority to minority or even equality, not less than one third Muslim membership in central legislature as well as in cabinets-central or provincial, communal groups to be represented by separate electorate [this was in 1927 ‘Delhi Muslim proposals watered down to reserved constituencies proportionate to population, if and when the demand was conceded of carving a separate Sind province of Bombay presidency and bringing in political reforms in NWFP and Baluchistan on the same footing as in other provinces] any territorial distribution not to affect Muslim majority in Punjab, Bengal and NWFP, liberty of [belief, worship and observance, propaganda, association and education, guaranteed to all communities] no bill or resolution passed if three fourth members of any community consider it injurious to that community or such other method devised and other provisions relating to adequate representation in services etc.

By 1930, Jinnah was convinced that his efforts for Muslim political empowerment in united India were not making headway. The Hindu-Muslim accommodation of Lucknow 1916 had yielded to hardening of views by majoritarian extremism and the provincial pull of powerful Muslim politicians. In addition he had to counter Nehru’s uncompromising secular belief, which did not visualize minority problem, but only the problem of class interests in India. Part Marxist and part socialist of European liberal hue, Nehru was not versed with the realities of India’s socio-religious mix. But for a period, the provincial Muslim leaders and Nehru were proved right, as 1937 elections endorsed their take, the results disastrous for Muslim League are worth studying. (See Box)

In Bengal, it was Fazl-ul-Haq of ‘Krishak Praja Party’ who became the Chief Minister, choosing Nizam-ud-Din of Muslim League as his Home Minister, in Punjab; Sir Sikander Hyat Khan of unionist party became Chief Minister, and in Sind Sir Hidayatullah was the major gainer. Muslim provincial politicians carried majority of Muslim reserved seats. They remained unmindful of Muslims interests in minority provinces and in all India setting, where they preferred British to Hindu Raj. Jinnah had an all India view of Muslim problems.

Congress swept the polls allover the country with substantial presence in Muslim majority provinces. Jinnah’s Muslim League offered support, it had no takers. Jinnah had been checkmated. Yet, by mid forties, he had turned tables, though Nehru pretended to ignore him, he could not set aside his powerful hold on Muslim opinion and he had grown too big for provincial Muslim bosses. It was becoming impossible for Fazl-ul-Haq and Sir Sikander to hold on to their regional political outfits-their vote banks had Jinnah written all over. In Punjab to break this jinx, Liaquat Ali Khan projected the dual membership-unionist and Muslim leaguer in Calcutta session of Muslim league in 1938.

Jinnah initially frustrated by varying perceptions, put together powerful for anyone to overcome, save Jinnah. He was a man with an utter belief in himself to overcome a combination of elements. Whenever he appeared near reaching an understanding with Congress moderates, the effort was frustrated by extremists within congress of rightist hue catering to majority interests only or by leftist of Nehruvian hue, believing in western majoritarian, first past the post concept, though speaking of accommodating genuine minority interests. Both the rightist, as well as leftist Congress take did not provide space for Muslim political empowerment. However by 1946, an accommodation of sorts to keep India united was worked out.

1946-Nehru headed interim government-a coalition of Muslim League and Congress; with Liaquat as finance minister and Patel as home ministry became incoherently incoherent. Nehru’s powerful ministers-men with giant sized egos, stepping on each others toes were more than a handful to handle. Bombay statement brought the gulf in the coalition to fore. Partition seemed to the only viable way out. Sub continent had to pay a heavy prices, hundreds of thousands killed, millions displaced, eliciting a historical query-wasn’t political accommodation a smaller price to pay? Sixty three years hence the tensions prevails, history would have to dwell on whether partition-the prescription of India’s politicians was the only way out-another question merits an answer-could Jinnah be the only one to be blamed for it?
Yaar Zinda, Sohbat Baqi [Reunion is subordinate to survival]

Columnist (Dr.Javid Iqbal is a freelance columnist. He is V.Principal, HoD-Operation Theater Technology Tahira
Khanam’s Paramedical Sciences Institute Lawaypora-Srinagar)
Feedback at iqbal.javid46@gmail.com

Commemorating Jinnah on his 134th birthday Lastupdate:- Sat, 25 Dec 2010 18:30:00 GMT GreaterKashmir.com