shuntmaster
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Wary China blots out glam future First Lady
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China's negative news from official media and updates
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Kindly read the thread's title="Official Chinese media" not India media.
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Anti-fraud campaigner Fang Zhouzi receives compensation - People's Daily Online November 10, 2010
Fang Zhouzi a famous science writer known for his efforts to combat fraudulent research and academic misconduct will obtain compensation of 500 yuan ($75) following a recent violent attack.
The Beijing Shijingshan District People's Court gave its verdict on Monday, and Fang's attorney Peng Jian announced the news on his blog.
The assailants attacked Fang with pepper spray, and hit him with a hammer on a street near his home on August 29. Fang suffered slight injuries.
This verdict is the civil judgment as the criminal judgment was made on October 11.
Xiao Chuanguo who plotted the attack and the four men he hired, were charged with the crime of "creating disturbance and thus undermining the social order".
Xiao was sentenced to five and a half months detention, while the four others were sentenced to detentions ranging from one and a half months to five and a half months.
But Fang said that both the civil and criminal sentences are too light. "I feel so disappointed and I dont want to accept the result," he said.
He said his only hope lies in applying for a retrial.
Source:Global Times
Fang Zhouzi a famous science writer known for his efforts to combat fraudulent research and academic misconduct will obtain compensation of 500 yuan ($75) following a recent violent attack.
The Beijing Shijingshan District People's Court gave its verdict on Monday, and Fang's attorney Peng Jian announced the news on his blog.
The assailants attacked Fang with pepper spray, and hit him with a hammer on a street near his home on August 29. Fang suffered slight injuries.
This verdict is the civil judgment as the criminal judgment was made on October 11.
Xiao Chuanguo who plotted the attack and the four men he hired, were charged with the crime of "creating disturbance and thus undermining the social order".
Xiao was sentenced to five and a half months detention, while the four others were sentenced to detentions ranging from one and a half months to five and a half months.
But Fang said that both the civil and criminal sentences are too light. "I feel so disappointed and I dont want to accept the result," he said.
He said his only hope lies in applying for a retrial.
Source:Global Times
shuntmaster
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Hmm.. OK.. But first please define "Official Chinese media"
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shuntmaster
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XieXie Ni.
Did Xinhua carry any news about 'Peng Liyuan' and her relationship with Xi Jinping, the next Chinese premier in the recent past?
huzihaidao12
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XieXie Ni.
Did Xinhua carry any news about 'Peng Liyuan' and her relationship with Xi Jinping, the next Chinese premier in the recent past?
That was a false news. It is the Western press, is not surprised.
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习近平与彭丽媛的爱情故事时间:2010-10-16 17:02来源:网络 作者:佚名 点击:339次
习近平与彭丽媛近照
彭丽媛15岁考入山东艺术学院中专部，18岁参军到总政，后考入中国音乐学院声乐系，攻读大专、本科直至研究生，获硕士学位(我国声乐专业最高学历
。她是国家一级歌唱演员，全国政协委员。　　20余年的舞台生涯，彭丽媛为什么总是光彩照人，有什么秘诀?她坦言道：“这跟我的家庭有关，如果我的婚姻不幸福，心有磨难的话，我能有这个光彩留给大家吗?”对于事业和家庭，彭丽媛的态度很鲜明：“一个女人，事业和家庭都很重要。若叫我为事业，不要家庭、不要孩子，我觉得不可以理解。家庭是女人的靠山，是平静的港湾。我的家庭，同所有老百姓一样，是一个普通的家庭，是一个幸福的家庭。”
　　彭丽媛原以为自己熟悉农村生活，吃过不少苦。可未想到，习近平经历过的生活比她更苦。
　　习近平出生于1953年6月，祖籍陕西富平。出生的时候，他的父亲习仲勋担任中共中央宣传部部长、政务院文教委员会副主任。
　　“文革”中，习仲勋是第一批受冲击的干部，而这个家庭也是“文革”中被冲击的第一批干部家庭之一。1969年1月，习近平插队落户到陕西省延川县一个名叫梁家河的小山村，直到1975年回北京上大学。
　　大学毕业后，习近平被分配到国务院办公厅，担任耿彪同志的秘书。
　　在陕北农村时，当地的老百姓有空就爱跑到习近平的土窑里，听他侃大山。习近平给父老乡亲讲大山外的世界，讲古今中外的事。村里人深深地爱上了他，老老少少都喜欢找习近平聊天。
　　习近平酷爱学习，白天干一天活，深夜还要在煤油灯下读书，读那些砖头一样厚的书。
　　1972年8月，习近平作为知青积极分子，被延川县抽调到冯家坪公社赵家河大队搞“路线教育”。1973年冬天，习近平任梁家河大队党支部书记。他带领社员到寨子渠打坝，当时天寒地冻，打坝的河渠里冰块很厚，不处理掉，坝基不稳，春天一融化，坝就塌了，会劳民伤财。工地上，习近平做了下渠挖冰块的动员，可是寒冷刺骨，社员们没有行动。习近平二话不说，第一个跳进冰水里往外搬冰块。干了一阵，群众感动了，纷纷脱掉棉袄、棉裤下水干了起来。
　　习近平带领社员们日夜奋战，给村里打了十几个土坝，治理了好几条烂沟。习近平还给社员们大办沼气，解决烧柴问题。当时，陕西省政府有关部门曾专门到梁家河召开推广现场会。
　　1975年，习近平被推荐上清华大学，临走时，家家户户都请他吃饭。走的那天，全村人都没上山干活，排了很长很长的队送他上路，送了十多里，社员们还在送。习近平哭了，说：“你们对我这么好，我不想走，就在这里扎根农村一辈子吧。”一个和他非常要好的青年农民大声对他吼：“你快走，你上了清华大学，我们就有条件去北京，要不然去北京没有人管我们的饭。为了我们将来看北京，你非得走。”之后，送行的社员才依依不舍地回去了些。但十几个年轻人一直步行60华里送习近平到县城，晚上又一同挤在国营旅馆的一间平房里打地铺睡。第二天，习近平带着社员们到照相馆照了纪念照。
　　那是山里人第一次照相，用了5.50元钱。习近平付钱时，社员们不让，你三角他五角就凑够了。
　　很多人认为，作为高干子弟的习近平身上却有一种“平民情怀”，这或许与他的经历有关。
　　有的人朝夕相见相知甚浅，有的人初见一面就相见恨晚。彭丽媛和习近平就属于后者。本来，彭丽媛最不喜欢那种媒妁之言介绍式的恋爱婚姻。她想象中的爱情是“踏破铁鞋无觅处，得来全不费功夫”的浪漫。在她的心灵深处，意中人既有清贫的书香之气和质朴无华，又有寒门天才的自信与傲骨。然而，她自己也没料到，命运安排给她的伴侣却是一个高干子弟。
　　1986年底，朋友给彭丽媛介绍了个对象。当听说此人在厦门工作时，彭丽媛说：“两地分居怎么办?”她本不想接触，但听朋友说此人“出类拔萃”时，才答应见见面。当时彭丽媛已在歌坛拥有一席之地，且是解放军总政歌舞团国家一级演员。早在1982年她就已参加中央电视台第一届的春节联欢晚会，一曲“在希望的田野上”获得满堂彩。
　　见面当天，彭丽媛故意穿条大军裤到朋友家中。她有意考验一下对方是否只重外貌。一见面，彭丽媛心灰意冷，对方土里土气不说，还非常显老。谁知那人一开口就吸引了她。他不问“当前流行什么歌”、“出场费多少”之类，开口便问：“声乐分几种唱法?”彭丽媛回答后，他又问：“很对不起，我很少看电视，你唱过什么歌?”“唱过《在希望的田野上》。”他“哦”了一声，“这歌我听过，挺好的。”也许这就是心有灵犀。女友在楼下喊她，她没有走。她不仅同他谈了很久，还和他约定了下次“不见不散”。彭丽媛说：“当时我心里一动——‘这不就是我心中的他吗?他纯朴又很有思想。’后来他告诉我，‘和你相见不到40分钟，我就认定你是我的妻子了’。”
　　第二次握手，两颗心更加被对方强烈地吸引着。他为她的执著、纯朴、善良而倾心;她为他的深刻、坦诚、顽强、也为他的事业心而倾慕。习近平坦诚地告诉她：“我从事行政工作，很可能一天十几个小时都不能顾及家。”彭丽媛说：“事业搞好了，家庭才能搞好，两者相辅相成。”谈历史，谈现在，谈中国，谈国外，谈生活，谈追求。临别时，他深情地对她说：“虽然我们都受过很多苦，但是我们都保持了原有的纯真和善良，希望再次相见……”
　　彭丽媛在心头默默地以心相许。后来，家庭出现了一些阻力。彭丽媛的父母不愿女儿嫁给高干子弟。他们认为高干子弟中不乏纨绔子弟，不想攀高结贵，更不愿女儿受委屈。习近平安慰彭丽媛：“我父亲是农民的儿子，很平易近人。我家的孩子找的都是平民的孩子，况且家庭不能跟我们一生，我会向你父母解释清楚的，他们会接受我的。”
unicorn
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China in 2010: The Perils of Impatience by Denny Roy
Denny Roy [RoyD@EastWestCenter.org] is Senior Fellow and Supervisor of the POSCO Fellowship Program at the East-West Center.
Against a background of recent Chinese behavior widely perceived as unusually assertive, Secretary of State Hillary Clintons policy speech in Hawaii on Oct. 28 reiterated the commitment of the United States, despite two ongoing wars and an economic downturn, to commit the resources and attention necessary to maintain US leadership in Asia for the long term. This points up a problem for the Chinese.
The greatest single foreign-policy challenge for the government of a rising China is to balance two objectives that easily clash. The first is to build a reputation as a responsible, principled great power that will be a force for peace rather than a regional bully. The second is to satisfy demands from the Chinese public and some Chinese elites that China begin to act like a strong country and stand up more strongly for what they see as China's interests.
Beijing is very aware of the historical danger of neighboring countries banding together to encircle a rising power and has expended great diplomatic energy to preclude this outcome. The Chinese are quick to condemn any talk of a China threat as a plot to suppress Chinas natural and rightful fulfillment of its potential, which includes bringing prosperity to Chinas huge population. Beijing often interprets US diplomacy in the Asia-Pacific as a plot to recruit allies in the containment of China.
At the same time, however, Hu Jintaos government has urged China's people to feel pride in the international community's recognition of China as a great power. This reflects well on Hus legacy as the country heads into a leadership transition, but it also emboldens nationalistic Chinese citizens as well as the military leadership to ask why China continues to tolerate those aspects of international affairs that China is unhappy about. This has required Chinese leaders to maintain a delicate balance between patience and assertiveness. In 2010, Beijing has clearly lost its balance.
Deng Xiaoping advised his successors to be restrained, to shelve difficult issues, and to avoid taking the lead in international affairs until China has consolidated its internal and external strength by completing the present phase of economic and social development.
This year, however, has seen a troubling pattern of strong Chinese reaction over issues Beijing prefers to keep on the back burner. The exposure of Chinas agenda to shield the North Korean regime from the effects of international opprobrium and economic sanctions after two nuclear weapons tests and the sinking of the South Korean warship Cheonan was disappointing enough. Chinas strident
statements about planned US-South Korean naval exercises off the South Korean coast, which were aimed at North Korea rather than China, suggested the Chinese viewed the entire Yellow Sea as part of a sphere of influence in which foreign navies should be bound by Chinese wishes. When Clinton, after consultation with Southeast Asian governments, called for a collaborative multilateral approach to disputed territory in the South China Sea, PRC Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi characterized her statement as in effect an attack on China.
Chinese officials and retired generals have made remarks implying some form of Chinese ownership over most of the South China Sea, while the Chinese government refuses to clarify its claim beyond the infamous, breathtakingly expansive 9-dashed line. Chinese officials played hardball by cutting supplies of economically vital rare earth elements to Japan as a punishment for Japans detention of a Chinese fishing-boat captain who allegedly rammed Japanese Coast Guard vessels near the disputed Senkakku/Diaoyutai Islands and this after Tokyo had released the captain.
Outside analysts have some understanding of the pressures on the Chinese leadership. Public opinion has become a force to be reckoned with, and it tends to be exuberantly nationalistic. Anger over perceived affronts to Chinas national honor or encroachments on vital Chinese interests (hot buttons that territorial disputes invariably push) often quickly turns to criticism of the Chinese government for failing to defend the countrys interests.
Nevertheless, the Chinese leadership should not underestimate the costs of energizing anti-China forces they so often criticize. Chinese acts that international opinion judges to be excessive undercut Beijings cultivation of a welcoming environment for Chinas rise. All indications are that Chinese leaders still worry about greatly about domestic problems such as tackling corruption, raising living standards, re-building the social welfare system, balancing urban-rural and east-west development, and keeping a lid on social discontent. China is not prepared to embark on a campaign to revise the rules of regional interaction. Nor is it strong enough externally to shift from assurance to intimidation. The United States remains the regions strongest military power. Several other important states are closely tied into a broad US-sponsored security agenda through alliances and US bases, and other states would quickly move toward greater security cooperation if they perceived China as threatening.
Many Chinese officials recognize their country has suffered strategic and diplomatic losses at least partly because of how China has reacted to regional events. It isnt clear whether the Chinese government can maintain a balanced foreign policy without succumbing to domestic pressures demanding actions that even top policymakers recognize are strategically short-sighted
Pacific Forum CSIS
Honolulu, Hawaii
Denny Roy [RoyD@EastWestCenter.org] is Senior Fellow and Supervisor of the POSCO Fellowship Program at the East-West Center.
Against a background of recent Chinese behavior widely perceived as unusually assertive, Secretary of State Hillary Clintons policy speech in Hawaii on Oct. 28 reiterated the commitment of the United States, despite two ongoing wars and an economic downturn, to commit the resources and attention necessary to maintain US leadership in Asia for the long term. This points up a problem for the Chinese.
The greatest single foreign-policy challenge for the government of a rising China is to balance two objectives that easily clash. The first is to build a reputation as a responsible, principled great power that will be a force for peace rather than a regional bully. The second is to satisfy demands from the Chinese public and some Chinese elites that China begin to act like a strong country and stand up more strongly for what they see as China's interests.
Beijing is very aware of the historical danger of neighboring countries banding together to encircle a rising power and has expended great diplomatic energy to preclude this outcome. The Chinese are quick to condemn any talk of a China threat as a plot to suppress Chinas natural and rightful fulfillment of its potential, which includes bringing prosperity to Chinas huge population. Beijing often interprets US diplomacy in the Asia-Pacific as a plot to recruit allies in the containment of China.
At the same time, however, Hu Jintaos government has urged China's people to feel pride in the international community's recognition of China as a great power. This reflects well on Hus legacy as the country heads into a leadership transition, but it also emboldens nationalistic Chinese citizens as well as the military leadership to ask why China continues to tolerate those aspects of international affairs that China is unhappy about. This has required Chinese leaders to maintain a delicate balance between patience and assertiveness. In 2010, Beijing has clearly lost its balance.
Deng Xiaoping advised his successors to be restrained, to shelve difficult issues, and to avoid taking the lead in international affairs until China has consolidated its internal and external strength by completing the present phase of economic and social development.
This year, however, has seen a troubling pattern of strong Chinese reaction over issues Beijing prefers to keep on the back burner. The exposure of Chinas agenda to shield the North Korean regime from the effects of international opprobrium and economic sanctions after two nuclear weapons tests and the sinking of the South Korean warship Cheonan was disappointing enough. Chinas strident
statements about planned US-South Korean naval exercises off the South Korean coast, which were aimed at North Korea rather than China, suggested the Chinese viewed the entire Yellow Sea as part of a sphere of influence in which foreign navies should be bound by Chinese wishes. When Clinton, after consultation with Southeast Asian governments, called for a collaborative multilateral approach to disputed territory in the South China Sea, PRC Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi characterized her statement as in effect an attack on China.
Chinese officials and retired generals have made remarks implying some form of Chinese ownership over most of the South China Sea, while the Chinese government refuses to clarify its claim beyond the infamous, breathtakingly expansive 9-dashed line. Chinese officials played hardball by cutting supplies of economically vital rare earth elements to Japan as a punishment for Japans detention of a Chinese fishing-boat captain who allegedly rammed Japanese Coast Guard vessels near the disputed Senkakku/Diaoyutai Islands and this after Tokyo had released the captain.
Outside analysts have some understanding of the pressures on the Chinese leadership. Public opinion has become a force to be reckoned with, and it tends to be exuberantly nationalistic. Anger over perceived affronts to Chinas national honor or encroachments on vital Chinese interests (hot buttons that territorial disputes invariably push) often quickly turns to criticism of the Chinese government for failing to defend the countrys interests.
Nevertheless, the Chinese leadership should not underestimate the costs of energizing anti-China forces they so often criticize. Chinese acts that international opinion judges to be excessive undercut Beijings cultivation of a welcoming environment for Chinas rise. All indications are that Chinese leaders still worry about greatly about domestic problems such as tackling corruption, raising living standards, re-building the social welfare system, balancing urban-rural and east-west development, and keeping a lid on social discontent. China is not prepared to embark on a campaign to revise the rules of regional interaction. Nor is it strong enough externally to shift from assurance to intimidation. The United States remains the regions strongest military power. Several other important states are closely tied into a broad US-sponsored security agenda through alliances and US bases, and other states would quickly move toward greater security cooperation if they perceived China as threatening.
Many Chinese officials recognize their country has suffered strategic and diplomatic losses at least partly because of how China has reacted to regional events. It isnt clear whether the Chinese government can maintain a balanced foreign policy without succumbing to domestic pressures demanding actions that even top policymakers recognize are strategically short-sighted
Pacific Forum CSIS
Honolulu, Hawaii
no_name
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Nicknamed Along, the young boy carries firewood home down a mountain path in Niucheping village of Liuzhou city in Southwest China’s Guangxi Zhuang autonomous region, Nov 3, 2010. The six-year-old HIV-positive child has been collecting wood to support himself since both of his parents died from the deadly virus. He receives 70 yuan of subsistence allowance per month from the local civil bureau plus periodical material supplies from kindhearted people, but he still lives alone without a guardian.
Along plays soccer in front of the rundown home where he lives alone. People refuse to play with him due to concerns over his illness. No school or welfare homes will agree to take him. Photo taken on Nov 8, 2010.
Along frolics with a dog named Lao Hei, his only companion, in front of his rundown home. Photo taken on Nov 3, 2010. (Lao Hei literally means old black in mandarin)
Along reads a book in poor light inside his rundown home. A local primary school was forced to turn down his application under pressure from parents of other children. Photo taken on Nov 2, 2010.
Along makes a fire to prepare for dinner. His grandmother, who lives 15 minutes’ walk away, built two vegetable plots for him, and pays regular visits despite not living with him. Photo taken on Nov 2, 2010.
What were you doing when you were six years old?
Brotherhood
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Baby traffickers sentenced, one was father of victim - People's Daily Online November 12, 2010
Members of a baby trafficking ring received two to ten-year prison sentences on Wednesday for the buying and selling at least four baby girls in 2008 and 2009, one of which is the daughter of one member, according to the Beijing Railroad Transportation Intermediary Court.
Of the eight involved, four were stopped in June 2009 en route from Guangnan county in Yunnan Province to Pingshan county in Hebei Province to deliver four baby girls to clients. The four girls are currently in the custody of authorities.
The group had already sold three baby girls they purchased in Yunnan Province to families for 14,000 ($2,111), 19,900 ($3,000.92) and 25,000 yuan ($3,770) in May 2009.
One of the girls sold was the daughter of Xiong Wenjin, a father of three girls and one of the traffickers involved.
Xiong said he considers his daughters not as valuable as sons. "It's perfectly normal to sell one," Xiong was quoted as saying in a report by the Beijing Youth Daily.
Another member of the ring, Xing Zhihua, over 70, works under the guise of a matchmaker in Hebei province in order to scope out local families interested in purchasing a child.
According to public prosecutors, families in poverty-stricken areas often are willing to sell their children for a few thousand or even a few hundred yuan, while buyers are willing to pay tens of thousands, leaving traffickers a huge profit margin.
Guo Yingliang, who in his defense claimed he was only the driver, was sentenced as an accomplice. Guo agreed to drive the traffickers for 3,000 yuan($453), which was confiscated by the court.
Since the Ministry of Public Security launched its crackdown on human trafficking in April last year, Chinese police rescued 10,621 women and 5,896 children who had been abducted as of September 6, the Xinhua News Agency reported.
Source:Global Times
Members of a baby trafficking ring received two to ten-year prison sentences on Wednesday for the buying and selling at least four baby girls in 2008 and 2009, one of which is the daughter of one member, according to the Beijing Railroad Transportation Intermediary Court.
Of the eight involved, four were stopped in June 2009 en route from Guangnan county in Yunnan Province to Pingshan county in Hebei Province to deliver four baby girls to clients. The four girls are currently in the custody of authorities.
The group had already sold three baby girls they purchased in Yunnan Province to families for 14,000 ($2,111), 19,900 ($3,000.92) and 25,000 yuan ($3,770) in May 2009.
One of the girls sold was the daughter of Xiong Wenjin, a father of three girls and one of the traffickers involved.
Xiong said he considers his daughters not as valuable as sons. "It's perfectly normal to sell one," Xiong was quoted as saying in a report by the Beijing Youth Daily.
Another member of the ring, Xing Zhihua, over 70, works under the guise of a matchmaker in Hebei province in order to scope out local families interested in purchasing a child.
According to public prosecutors, families in poverty-stricken areas often are willing to sell their children for a few thousand or even a few hundred yuan, while buyers are willing to pay tens of thousands, leaving traffickers a huge profit margin.
Guo Yingliang, who in his defense claimed he was only the driver, was sentenced as an accomplice. Guo agreed to drive the traffickers for 3,000 yuan($453), which was confiscated by the court.
Since the Ministry of Public Security launched its crackdown on human trafficking in April last year, Chinese police rescued 10,621 women and 5,896 children who had been abducted as of September 6, the Xinhua News Agency reported.
Source:Global Times
below_freezing
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They should have 2 types of prisons.
one for the normal criminals, and one for crimes against humanity such as trafficking drugs, arms and people.
those special prisons should be made very, very special.
one for the normal criminals, and one for crimes against humanity such as trafficking drugs, arms and people.
those special prisons should be made very, very special.
ThatDamnGood
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Rate hikes will not suffice, Yuan still has to rise. Or wages have to go up.
Mainlanders visit HK for cheap groceries_Retailing--China Economic Net
Mainlanders visit HK for cheap groceries
Last Updated(Beijing Time):2010-11-10 08:01
Growing inflationary pressure on the Chinese mainland, led by rising food prices, is driving mainland buyers to Hong Kong to fill their shopping carts - not for the luxury and imported goods the financial hub is known for, but for daily necessities that used to flow the other way.
More and more residents in South China's Guangdong province, especially Shenzhen, have in the past few weeks been queuing to cross the border into Hong Kong to buy sugar, salt, soybean sauce and even tissue paper in bulk to cushion increasing pressure from rising food prices at home.
Figures from the Shatoujiao border station in Shenzhen show that in the past two weeks, the number of people passing the station to visit Hong Kong on weekdays has increased by 16.7 percent compared with two weeks ago, while at weekends the figure has been up by 27.8 percent. Many of them are going to the other side to buy daily necessities, according to local media reports.
Only a few years ago it was Hong Kong residents who would come to Shenzhen to spend weekends shopping and dining.
A Shenzhen local woman surnamed Zhang said shopping for supplies in Hong Kong has been the norm for her since 2009, when she was allowed to apply for multiple entries to Hong Kong within one year.
Since then, the number of items on her shopping list has been growing from imported goods to most daily necessities, including products made on the mainland.
"I've even started buying salt in Hong Kong," she said. "Many living essentials are cheaper in Hong Kong, some of them even by 50 percent, and I suppose these goods are of better quality compared with those sold in Shenzhen," she added.
Zhang's favorite shopping destinations in Hong Kong are the supermarkets spotted around Sheung Shui Station - the first subway station where trains departing from Shenzhen stop.
A one-way ticket costs HK$19.5, or 17 yuan ($2.55), which, according to Zhang, is even cheaper than taking a taxi when going shopping at home.
A sales assistant surnamed Wong from the Park'n Shop - one of the most popular supermarkets in Hong Kong - told China Daily that she is no longer a fan of Shenzhen as the Hong Kong dollar is getting weaker while prices are rising in Shenzhen.
"I used to spend a lot of time in Shenzhen but in the past four or five months, I only traveled there once," said Wong, adding that everything is becoming costly in Shenzhen, even drinking morning tea.
The weaker Hong Kong dollar, said Wong, is another reason she tries to curtail her visits to Shenzhen.
"HK$100 used to trade 116 yuan but now it is totally reversed. Mainland visitors swarm into our shops, especially during weekends, since buying goods here has become a really good bargain," Wong added.
Mainland customers' favorites, according to Wong, are those imported goods as well as Hong Kong-made items, including milk powders, snacks and toiletries.
"Some of them buy a case of Hong Kong-made instant noodles, and I heard it is sold for less than half the price in Shenzhen," said Wong.
In Shanghai, a recent survey jointly launched by Oriental Morning Post and Fudan University's School of Management showed prices of personal care products, such as shampoo and shower cream, are on average three times higher in Shanghai than in Hong Kong.
A China Daily random investigation found that a 750-milliliter bottle of Rejoice, a shampoo brand, costs 46.5 yuan at the Lianhua Supermarket in Shanghai, while its 1000-ml version costs only HK$48.8, or 42 yuan, in Hong Kong.
Likewise, a 500-ml bottle of Listerine mouthwash costs 28 yuan in Shanghai while its 1000-ml version costs only HK$53.9, or 46.4 yuan.
Source:China Daily
Mainlanders visit HK for cheap groceries_Retailing--China Economic Net
Mainlanders visit HK for cheap groceries
Last Updated(Beijing Time):2010-11-10 08:01
Growing inflationary pressure on the Chinese mainland, led by rising food prices, is driving mainland buyers to Hong Kong to fill their shopping carts - not for the luxury and imported goods the financial hub is known for, but for daily necessities that used to flow the other way.
More and more residents in South China's Guangdong province, especially Shenzhen, have in the past few weeks been queuing to cross the border into Hong Kong to buy sugar, salt, soybean sauce and even tissue paper in bulk to cushion increasing pressure from rising food prices at home.
Figures from the Shatoujiao border station in Shenzhen show that in the past two weeks, the number of people passing the station to visit Hong Kong on weekdays has increased by 16.7 percent compared with two weeks ago, while at weekends the figure has been up by 27.8 percent. Many of them are going to the other side to buy daily necessities, according to local media reports.
Only a few years ago it was Hong Kong residents who would come to Shenzhen to spend weekends shopping and dining.
A Shenzhen local woman surnamed Zhang said shopping for supplies in Hong Kong has been the norm for her since 2009, when she was allowed to apply for multiple entries to Hong Kong within one year.
Since then, the number of items on her shopping list has been growing from imported goods to most daily necessities, including products made on the mainland.
"I've even started buying salt in Hong Kong," she said. "Many living essentials are cheaper in Hong Kong, some of them even by 50 percent, and I suppose these goods are of better quality compared with those sold in Shenzhen," she added.
Zhang's favorite shopping destinations in Hong Kong are the supermarkets spotted around Sheung Shui Station - the first subway station where trains departing from Shenzhen stop.
A one-way ticket costs HK$19.5, or 17 yuan ($2.55), which, according to Zhang, is even cheaper than taking a taxi when going shopping at home.
A sales assistant surnamed Wong from the Park'n Shop - one of the most popular supermarkets in Hong Kong - told China Daily that she is no longer a fan of Shenzhen as the Hong Kong dollar is getting weaker while prices are rising in Shenzhen.
"I used to spend a lot of time in Shenzhen but in the past four or five months, I only traveled there once," said Wong, adding that everything is becoming costly in Shenzhen, even drinking morning tea.
The weaker Hong Kong dollar, said Wong, is another reason she tries to curtail her visits to Shenzhen.
"HK$100 used to trade 116 yuan but now it is totally reversed. Mainland visitors swarm into our shops, especially during weekends, since buying goods here has become a really good bargain," Wong added.
Mainland customers' favorites, according to Wong, are those imported goods as well as Hong Kong-made items, including milk powders, snacks and toiletries.
"Some of them buy a case of Hong Kong-made instant noodles, and I heard it is sold for less than half the price in Shenzhen," said Wong.
In Shanghai, a recent survey jointly launched by Oriental Morning Post and Fudan University's School of Management showed prices of personal care products, such as shampoo and shower cream, are on average three times higher in Shanghai than in Hong Kong.
A China Daily random investigation found that a 750-milliliter bottle of Rejoice, a shampoo brand, costs 46.5 yuan at the Lianhua Supermarket in Shanghai, while its 1000-ml version costs only HK$48.8, or 42 yuan, in Hong Kong.
Likewise, a 500-ml bottle of Listerine mouthwash costs 28 yuan in Shanghai while its 1000-ml version costs only HK$53.9, or 46.4 yuan.
Source:China Daily
ThatDamnGood
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This one uses the official figures but the previous shows the ground reality.
Inflation pressure tests Chinese policy makers _Macro-Economy--China Economic Net
Inflation pressure tests Chinese policy makers
Last Updated(Beijing Time):2010-11-12 07:29
Inflation in China in October soared to a 25-month high of 4.4 percent year on year as new bank lending exceeded market forecasts, increasing the pressure on Chinese policy makers to rein in inflation.
Surging food prices pushed China's consumer price index (CPI), a major gauge of inflation, higher than the market forecast of around 4 percent and much more than September's 3.6 percent.
From January to October, China's CPI rose 3 percent year on year, hitting the government's target ceiling for the year, the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) said Thursday.
"China needs to do more to keep this year's inflation under the target ceiling," NBS spokesman Sheng Laiyun said.
The price of food, which accounts for one third of the basket of goods used to calculate China's CPI, surged 10.1 percent year on year in October because of price increase on the global agriculture markets and frequent natural disasters at home, Sheng said.
Although new bank lending in October dropped to 587.7 billion yuan (88.5 billion U.S. dollars) from 595.5 billion yuan in September, the October figure was still higher than market estimates of less than 500 billion yuan.
Pressure for further price increase is mounting and the quantitative easing policies of other economies will fuel inflation expectations within China, Sheng said.
Analysts said the quantitative easing policies will exacerbate the excess liquidity problem, resulting in further hot money inflows into emerging economies like China, and might complicate China's policies against inflation.
Making things worse, the widening interest rate gap between China and other major economies might attract more hot money to China.
The Chinese government has worked to cool inflation while maintaining its economy's momentum after the global financial crisis.
China's central bank raised benchmark interest rates last month and ordered banks to set aside more reserves Wednesday in its latest effort to rein in liquidity.
The central bank decision to raise the reserve requirement ratio instead of lifting interest rates indicates policy makers are sensitive to raising rates as it may prompt further hot money inflows, said Zhao Xijun, a finance professor at Renmin University .
"There is a good chance the central bank will raise interest rates again before the end of the year," said China Galaxy Securities economist Zuo Xiaolei.
China's top priority is preventing hot money inflows, said Xia Bin, director of the finance research institute under the State Council's Development Research Center.
Zuo agreed with Xia, adding that interest rate hikes together with strengthened capital controls against hot money inflows will cool inflation.
Zhou Xiaochuan, the central bank governor, said Friday Chinese regulators will work to prevent abnormal capital inflows by bolstering foreign exchange controls and maintaining overall liquidity at a proper level.
The State Administration of Foreign Exchange also vowed to increase checks on foreign exchange businesses to curb inflows of hot money.
Some economists said China should reform its CPI calculation system, which they called outdated and misleading if used as an indicator for policy making.
Chinese CPI calculations take 1993 as their base year.
"After 20 years of development, the CPI-calculation system is outdated," said Yi Xianrong, a researcher with the Institute of Finance and Banking of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.
"The system must be improved to adapt to the new conditions," Yi said.
Source:Xinhuanet
Inflation pressure tests Chinese policy makers _Macro-Economy--China Economic Net
Inflation pressure tests Chinese policy makers
Last Updated(Beijing Time):2010-11-12 07:29
Inflation in China in October soared to a 25-month high of 4.4 percent year on year as new bank lending exceeded market forecasts, increasing the pressure on Chinese policy makers to rein in inflation.
Surging food prices pushed China's consumer price index (CPI), a major gauge of inflation, higher than the market forecast of around 4 percent and much more than September's 3.6 percent.
From January to October, China's CPI rose 3 percent year on year, hitting the government's target ceiling for the year, the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) said Thursday.
"China needs to do more to keep this year's inflation under the target ceiling," NBS spokesman Sheng Laiyun said.
The price of food, which accounts for one third of the basket of goods used to calculate China's CPI, surged 10.1 percent year on year in October because of price increase on the global agriculture markets and frequent natural disasters at home, Sheng said.
Although new bank lending in October dropped to 587.7 billion yuan (88.5 billion U.S. dollars) from 595.5 billion yuan in September, the October figure was still higher than market estimates of less than 500 billion yuan.
Pressure for further price increase is mounting and the quantitative easing policies of other economies will fuel inflation expectations within China, Sheng said.
Analysts said the quantitative easing policies will exacerbate the excess liquidity problem, resulting in further hot money inflows into emerging economies like China, and might complicate China's policies against inflation.
Making things worse, the widening interest rate gap between China and other major economies might attract more hot money to China.
The Chinese government has worked to cool inflation while maintaining its economy's momentum after the global financial crisis.
China's central bank raised benchmark interest rates last month and ordered banks to set aside more reserves Wednesday in its latest effort to rein in liquidity.
The central bank decision to raise the reserve requirement ratio instead of lifting interest rates indicates policy makers are sensitive to raising rates as it may prompt further hot money inflows, said Zhao Xijun, a finance professor at Renmin University .
"There is a good chance the central bank will raise interest rates again before the end of the year," said China Galaxy Securities economist Zuo Xiaolei.
China's top priority is preventing hot money inflows, said Xia Bin, director of the finance research institute under the State Council's Development Research Center.
Zuo agreed with Xia, adding that interest rate hikes together with strengthened capital controls against hot money inflows will cool inflation.
Zhou Xiaochuan, the central bank governor, said Friday Chinese regulators will work to prevent abnormal capital inflows by bolstering foreign exchange controls and maintaining overall liquidity at a proper level.
The State Administration of Foreign Exchange also vowed to increase checks on foreign exchange businesses to curb inflows of hot money.
Some economists said China should reform its CPI calculation system, which they called outdated and misleading if used as an indicator for policy making.
Chinese CPI calculations take 1993 as their base year.
"After 20 years of development, the CPI-calculation system is outdated," said Yi Xianrong, a researcher with the Institute of Finance and Banking of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.
"The system must be improved to adapt to the new conditions," Yi said.
Source:Xinhuanet
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shoot them and save the public some money?
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