LaBong
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Buddhist Terrorism - no longer a myth
- Thread starter kobiraaz
- Start date
HeinzG
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I don't know how is right or who is wrong that's why I don't take a side. We will support Burma if it got attacked by Muslims.
So where is Theravada Traditions influence? Don't drag religion into political issues. Believing that your branch of Buddhism is right won't help anyone.
Happy now?
Buddhism was the victim but Buddhist saved.
Where in Mars?
Tshering22
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Then you should know about the tensions that Myanma Buddhists have been facing for years. It's been a social tension more than a national tension but now it has reached a breaking point.
I never said my branch is right or yours is wrong.
All I am saying is you're not aware of the situation and you're blaming the Myanma for something they're only retaliating to.
Very much.
Who the fck seriously taught you all this!?
Seriously!?
With such an attitude of Muslims, it is not a surprise that Muslim community has gained the enmity of all other religions around the world until before its tensions with the southeast Asian Buddhists.
Tshering22
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Buddhism was the victim but Buddhist saved.
Muslims saving non-Muslims.
That's a good one.
Then stop cribbing about their internal matter.
Typical two-timing done by you guys; when something like this goes on, all of your talk about religious brotherhood, this and that rubbish but when it comes to helping your co-religionists, all you do is sit back and talk and refuse to accept them.
No wonder you people could never exist as a single country.
HeinzG
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hmmm..............
It seems that you cannot point out where political expansion is mentioned in Theravada tradition. So we will finish this from here.
zackiechan
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Credibility of HRW
HRW is a highly criticized organization which has cozy relationships with anonymous and billionaire donors and " The Time" accuses them of " imbalance and bias " .
en.wikipedia[***]org/wiki/Criticism_of_Human_Rights_Watch]Criticism of Human Rights Watch - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Robert Bernstein, founder of HRW , now accuses the organization of poor research methods, for relying on "witnesses whose stories cannot be verified and who may testify for political advantage or because they fear retaliation from their own rulers."
en.wikipedia[***]org/wiki/Criticism_of_Human_Rights_Watch#Poor_research_and_ inaccuracy]Criticism of Human Rights Watch - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Credibility of BBC and so-called victims.
youtube[***]com/watch?v=r-qSaHKzDaw
And , I am sure you must be reading about BBC's dirty little secrets on Google news right now. So, no need to apologize, bro.
Sorry for not linking directly since I need to post 15 posts before I can link.
Saiful Islam
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Sorry but terrorism doesn't have a religion even if the fascists on here say so.
bongbang
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Peaceful Buddhism will remain in BD, how much violent it may become in our neighboring countries. And Im surprised how much Bengalis used to respect Rakhine Buddhists.
...................................................................
A Prayer for Continuity in Teknaf
When the garden's silence meets the quiet of dawn, U Nanda Loka, 50, begins his prayer of meditation and whispers. At 5.30 a.m. for thirty minutes he seeks blessings for all the people of the world, just as he has done daily for the past year since he took up the post of sole monk at the roughly 200-year-old Teknaf Buddhist temple.
While the temple grounds are largish the congregation is small. Only fourteen Rakhine families remain in Teknaf town, joined by a handful of other Buddhists who have moved there for work.
“There should be at least one monk,” says 19-year-old Mong Swui Thing, a Marma teenager from Ramu sent by his father, a farmer, to the temple's tranquillity to better prepare for school exams. He aspires to a government job eventually.
Due to the community's small size adjustments have been made. Where in a larger location it is customary for monks to walk through morning markets carrying pots into which people place food, all the monks will eat for that day; in Teknaf the fourteen families supply food provisions on a rotation basis.
“The issue is continuity,” says temple visitor Aung Kyaw Tha, “Temple goers are few but it doesn't matter; we want our religion to stay.”
Gautama Buddha said a quiet place has its own happiness, explains Tha. “Alone or with people, in town or village, no matter where, one keeps Buddha's teachings in mind to live peacefully.”
The temple complex of a main building raised on stilts in Rakhine tradition, a smaller temple and a golden stupa featuring a footprint of Buddha, is tucked away from the road, barely visible.
Once its grounds were larger but roadside portions were sold when many local Rakhine families moved to Myanmar in the 1990s.
Tea shop talk says the then-majority Rakhine community was favoured in the British era. There are tales of how Bengalis back then used to take off sandals to carry them underarm while passing a Rakhine shop in the bazaar, as a sign of respect. It was considered improper for a Bengali to wear a wristwatch or open an umbrella in front of a Rakhine house, people say.
Such talk of political history stands in contrast to the monk's views. When asked to speak of other religions he says, “Of Hinduism, Christianity and Islam I have no knowledge. I don't understand. I only do what Buddhism says.”
Central to his beliefs is the importance of avoiding envy or jealousy; one reason why it cannot be fruitful to consider how others practice religion. This tenet does not mean, however, neglecting concern for non-Buddhists. “Everyone in the world I will bless,” says the monk.
Similarly when I was foolish enough to ask his favourite food the monk struggled to answer. When the goal is to seek enlightenment away from the physical world, the question makes no sense. “What is given, I like,” he says, “My preference is nothing.”
By tradition monks eat only one plate of rice, without looking up to see what others are eating. A second serving is to risk gluttony; to see others eat risks envy. At Teknaf Buddhist temple the monk will eat nothing after midday lunch until the next morning's breakfast.
U Nanda Loka says he became a monk after his parents died when he was 16 years old. “I didn't like regular life anymore,” he says. With his two sisters married he moved to the temple.
Being a monk is not inherently a permanent position. It lasts “as many days as it makes you happy,” though most commonly it is for life.
In describing Buddhism, the monk refers to five principal tenets: don't kill because life is sacred; don't take what isn't yours; treat women respectfully; don't lie and; don't use stimulants including alcohol, drugs and betel leaf. “To explain more than these basic beliefs,” says the monk, “is to embark upon an ocean of knowledge.”
Each morning is spent reading texts, completing bath and lunch before retiring for thirty minutes' rest. In the afternoon is more prayer, while commonly of an evening people arrive seeking advice.
The pattern of each day is simplicity repeated right up until it meets again the quiet of dawn. Such Buddhist traditions are followed around the world, right back to the 4th – 6th century BCE time of Gautama Buddha. Teknaf's temple is but a footnote in a far greater continuity story.
A Prayer for Continuity in Teknaf | The Daily Star
...................................................................
A Prayer for Continuity in Teknaf
When the garden's silence meets the quiet of dawn, U Nanda Loka, 50, begins his prayer of meditation and whispers. At 5.30 a.m. for thirty minutes he seeks blessings for all the people of the world, just as he has done daily for the past year since he took up the post of sole monk at the roughly 200-year-old Teknaf Buddhist temple.
While the temple grounds are largish the congregation is small. Only fourteen Rakhine families remain in Teknaf town, joined by a handful of other Buddhists who have moved there for work.
“There should be at least one monk,” says 19-year-old Mong Swui Thing, a Marma teenager from Ramu sent by his father, a farmer, to the temple's tranquillity to better prepare for school exams. He aspires to a government job eventually.
Due to the community's small size adjustments have been made. Where in a larger location it is customary for monks to walk through morning markets carrying pots into which people place food, all the monks will eat for that day; in Teknaf the fourteen families supply food provisions on a rotation basis.
“The issue is continuity,” says temple visitor Aung Kyaw Tha, “Temple goers are few but it doesn't matter; we want our religion to stay.”
Gautama Buddha said a quiet place has its own happiness, explains Tha. “Alone or with people, in town or village, no matter where, one keeps Buddha's teachings in mind to live peacefully.”
The temple complex of a main building raised on stilts in Rakhine tradition, a smaller temple and a golden stupa featuring a footprint of Buddha, is tucked away from the road, barely visible.
Once its grounds were larger but roadside portions were sold when many local Rakhine families moved to Myanmar in the 1990s.
Tea shop talk says the then-majority Rakhine community was favoured in the British era. There are tales of how Bengalis back then used to take off sandals to carry them underarm while passing a Rakhine shop in the bazaar, as a sign of respect. It was considered improper for a Bengali to wear a wristwatch or open an umbrella in front of a Rakhine house, people say.
Such talk of political history stands in contrast to the monk's views. When asked to speak of other religions he says, “Of Hinduism, Christianity and Islam I have no knowledge. I don't understand. I only do what Buddhism says.”
Central to his beliefs is the importance of avoiding envy or jealousy; one reason why it cannot be fruitful to consider how others practice religion. This tenet does not mean, however, neglecting concern for non-Buddhists. “Everyone in the world I will bless,” says the monk.
Similarly when I was foolish enough to ask his favourite food the monk struggled to answer. When the goal is to seek enlightenment away from the physical world, the question makes no sense. “What is given, I like,” he says, “My preference is nothing.”
By tradition monks eat only one plate of rice, without looking up to see what others are eating. A second serving is to risk gluttony; to see others eat risks envy. At Teknaf Buddhist temple the monk will eat nothing after midday lunch until the next morning's breakfast.
U Nanda Loka says he became a monk after his parents died when he was 16 years old. “I didn't like regular life anymore,” he says. With his two sisters married he moved to the temple.
Being a monk is not inherently a permanent position. It lasts “as many days as it makes you happy,” though most commonly it is for life.
In describing Buddhism, the monk refers to five principal tenets: don't kill because life is sacred; don't take what isn't yours; treat women respectfully; don't lie and; don't use stimulants including alcohol, drugs and betel leaf. “To explain more than these basic beliefs,” says the monk, “is to embark upon an ocean of knowledge.”
Each morning is spent reading texts, completing bath and lunch before retiring for thirty minutes' rest. In the afternoon is more prayer, while commonly of an evening people arrive seeking advice.
The pattern of each day is simplicity repeated right up until it meets again the quiet of dawn. Such Buddhist traditions are followed around the world, right back to the 4th – 6th century BCE time of Gautama Buddha. Teknaf's temple is but a footnote in a far greater continuity story.
A Prayer for Continuity in Teknaf | The Daily Star
asad71
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JUL 28, 2015
The Dangerous Rise of Buddhist Chauvinism
TOKYO – The Buddha, Siddhartha Gautama, composed nosuttato religious hatred or racial animus. And yet Buddhist chauvinism now threatens the democratic process in both Myanmar (Burma) and Sri Lanka. Some of the same Buddhist monks who braved Myanmar’s military junta in the “Saffron Revolution” of 2007 today incite violence against members of the country’s Muslim Rohingya minority. In Sri Lanka, the ethnic chauvinism of the Buddhist Sinhalese, stirred by a former president determined to reclaim power, mocks the supposed goal of reconciliation with the vanquished Hindu Tamils.
In Myanmar, Buddhist racism is at the root of a virtual civil war in the state of Rakhine and is fueling a humanitarian crisis in which hundreds of thousands of Muslim Rohingya have fled their country by land and sea. Most ominous for Myanmar’s future, given that all genocides are linked to official action, this racial and religious antagonism is in no way spontaneous. The Rohingya have already been stripped of their Myanmar citizenship, and a raft of new and proposed legislation that would further marginalize Islam seems certain to provoke further violence.
A new marriage law, for example, requires interfaith couples to register their intent to marry with local authorities, who will display a public notice of the engagement; only if no citizen objects to the union – highly unlikely in the present tense climate – is the couple permitted to wed. Another bill in the pipeline would forbid anyone under the age of 18 from converting to another religion, and would require even an adult seeking to convert to gain the permission – subject to repeated interrogation – of local officials.
Perhaps most disturbing, a third recent bill would allow for the imposition of Chinese-style population control on any group with a growth rate that is higher than the national average. Women could be ordered to wait, say, three years after the birth of a child before having another. Here, too, local governments, which are the most susceptible to popular prejudices, will be empowered to implement a law that seems specifically targeted at the Rohingyas, with their large families.
These laws do not yet amount to an updated version of the Nuremberg laws (the anti-Jewish legislation enacted by the Nazis in 1935). But they do reflect the agenda of those seeking to fan Buddhist resentment in order to thwart Myanmar’s democratic transition. That dark ambition has gained urgency, because the country is due to hold its first democratic presidential election since the transition began in 2011.
The Rohingyas are, of course, the main target of this strategy. But there is another target as well: Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel Peace Prize laureate and opposition leader.
For now, Suu Kyi is precluded from running for President by a cynical constitutional provision that excludes anyone whose spouse or child has a foreign passport (Suu Kyi’s two sons by her late English husband hold British passports). Nonetheless, the regime, still fearing her popularity, is playing the race and religion card in order to discredit her and her party, the National League for Democracy, which won all but one of the parliamentary seats contested in the recent general election (and swept the annulled 1990 election).
By stoking Buddhist violence against the Rohingya, the regime aims to damage Suu Kyi and the NLD’s chances of victory in two ways. If she speaks out for the Rohingya, her appeal among Buddhists, the vast majority of Myanmar’s citizens, may be dented enough to preserve the army’s grip on power. If she does not defend the Rohingya, her aura of moral leadership may be dimmed among her own supporters, both at home and abroad.
So far, Suu Kyi has circumvented this booby trap with the verbal evasiveness that one would expect of an ordinary politician, rather than someone of her courage and standing. But, as the violence grows and the election nears, her room for maneuver will undoubtedly narrow. Instead of highlighting the country’s real needs – serious land reform, an anti-corruption drive, and freeing the economy from oligarchic control – she may instead be drawn into defending an unpopular minority.
A similar political imperative is at the heart of the Sinhalese chauvinism that has made a sudden return to public life in Sri Lanka. The religious and ethnic passions of the Sinhalese were encouraged during the final, bloody push that ended Sri Lanka’s quarter-century of civil war with the Tamil Tigers in 2009. But instead of seeking reconciliation with the Tamils following their defeat, then-President Mahinda Rajapaksa continued to play on ethnic hatred as he subverted Sri Lanka’s democracy.
Rajapaksa’s unexpected defeat by a coalition of Sri Lanka’s democrats and Tamil political parties in last January’s presidential election – a result that he then sought to annul – should have ended both his career and the politics of race-baiting. But the former president is now mounting a furious comeback bid and might well win the parliamentary election scheduled for August 17.
One reason for Rajapaksa’s potential victory is his deep pockets; another is that he can probably count on support from China, having allowed the construction of ports and other facilities for the People’s Liberation Army during his presidency. But the key to his fortunes has been his effort to stoke the fears of the majority Sinhalese.
Rajapaksa is thus placing Prime MinisterRanil Wickremesinghein the same difficult position faced in Myanmar by Suu Kyi. So far, Wickremesinghe has succeeded in suggesting that the Sinhalese have more to fear from the return of Rajapaksa than they do from the country’s ethnic minorities. But no one should ever underestimate the power of hatred to undermine a democracy from within.
Read more at http://www.project-s...rdHcmIo2gzMY.99
The Dangerous Rise of Buddhist Chauvinism
TOKYO – The Buddha, Siddhartha Gautama, composed nosuttato religious hatred or racial animus. And yet Buddhist chauvinism now threatens the democratic process in both Myanmar (Burma) and Sri Lanka. Some of the same Buddhist monks who braved Myanmar’s military junta in the “Saffron Revolution” of 2007 today incite violence against members of the country’s Muslim Rohingya minority. In Sri Lanka, the ethnic chauvinism of the Buddhist Sinhalese, stirred by a former president determined to reclaim power, mocks the supposed goal of reconciliation with the vanquished Hindu Tamils.
In Myanmar, Buddhist racism is at the root of a virtual civil war in the state of Rakhine and is fueling a humanitarian crisis in which hundreds of thousands of Muslim Rohingya have fled their country by land and sea. Most ominous for Myanmar’s future, given that all genocides are linked to official action, this racial and religious antagonism is in no way spontaneous. The Rohingya have already been stripped of their Myanmar citizenship, and a raft of new and proposed legislation that would further marginalize Islam seems certain to provoke further violence.
A new marriage law, for example, requires interfaith couples to register their intent to marry with local authorities, who will display a public notice of the engagement; only if no citizen objects to the union – highly unlikely in the present tense climate – is the couple permitted to wed. Another bill in the pipeline would forbid anyone under the age of 18 from converting to another religion, and would require even an adult seeking to convert to gain the permission – subject to repeated interrogation – of local officials.
Perhaps most disturbing, a third recent bill would allow for the imposition of Chinese-style population control on any group with a growth rate that is higher than the national average. Women could be ordered to wait, say, three years after the birth of a child before having another. Here, too, local governments, which are the most susceptible to popular prejudices, will be empowered to implement a law that seems specifically targeted at the Rohingyas, with their large families.
These laws do not yet amount to an updated version of the Nuremberg laws (the anti-Jewish legislation enacted by the Nazis in 1935). But they do reflect the agenda of those seeking to fan Buddhist resentment in order to thwart Myanmar’s democratic transition. That dark ambition has gained urgency, because the country is due to hold its first democratic presidential election since the transition began in 2011.
The Rohingyas are, of course, the main target of this strategy. But there is another target as well: Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel Peace Prize laureate and opposition leader.
For now, Suu Kyi is precluded from running for President by a cynical constitutional provision that excludes anyone whose spouse or child has a foreign passport (Suu Kyi’s two sons by her late English husband hold British passports). Nonetheless, the regime, still fearing her popularity, is playing the race and religion card in order to discredit her and her party, the National League for Democracy, which won all but one of the parliamentary seats contested in the recent general election (and swept the annulled 1990 election).
By stoking Buddhist violence against the Rohingya, the regime aims to damage Suu Kyi and the NLD’s chances of victory in two ways. If she speaks out for the Rohingya, her appeal among Buddhists, the vast majority of Myanmar’s citizens, may be dented enough to preserve the army’s grip on power. If she does not defend the Rohingya, her aura of moral leadership may be dimmed among her own supporters, both at home and abroad.
So far, Suu Kyi has circumvented this booby trap with the verbal evasiveness that one would expect of an ordinary politician, rather than someone of her courage and standing. But, as the violence grows and the election nears, her room for maneuver will undoubtedly narrow. Instead of highlighting the country’s real needs – serious land reform, an anti-corruption drive, and freeing the economy from oligarchic control – she may instead be drawn into defending an unpopular minority.
A similar political imperative is at the heart of the Sinhalese chauvinism that has made a sudden return to public life in Sri Lanka. The religious and ethnic passions of the Sinhalese were encouraged during the final, bloody push that ended Sri Lanka’s quarter-century of civil war with the Tamil Tigers in 2009. But instead of seeking reconciliation with the Tamils following their defeat, then-President Mahinda Rajapaksa continued to play on ethnic hatred as he subverted Sri Lanka’s democracy.
Rajapaksa’s unexpected defeat by a coalition of Sri Lanka’s democrats and Tamil political parties in last January’s presidential election – a result that he then sought to annul – should have ended both his career and the politics of race-baiting. But the former president is now mounting a furious comeback bid and might well win the parliamentary election scheduled for August 17.
One reason for Rajapaksa’s potential victory is his deep pockets; another is that he can probably count on support from China, having allowed the construction of ports and other facilities for the People’s Liberation Army during his presidency. But the key to his fortunes has been his effort to stoke the fears of the majority Sinhalese.
Rajapaksa is thus placing Prime MinisterRanil Wickremesinghein the same difficult position faced in Myanmar by Suu Kyi. So far, Wickremesinghe has succeeded in suggesting that the Sinhalese have more to fear from the return of Rajapaksa than they do from the country’s ethnic minorities. But no one should ever underestimate the power of hatred to undermine a democracy from within.
Read more at http://www.project-s...rdHcmIo2gzMY.99
24 Hours
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I know this post is almost 3 years old, but I just had to point out just how wrong this part of the article is. Khemer Rouge was hostile to all forms of religion. Mosques, Stupas, Temples, Church didn't matter. To them they had to go. They didn't want a Buddhist state they wanted a communist state. Just how stupid is the author who wrote this garbage, one quick google search should tell you the basic policies of the Khemer Rouge.
Azizam
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Muslims can't coexist with Christians
Muslims can't coexist with Jews
Muslims can't coexist with Baha'i
Muslims can't coexist with Zoroastrians
Muslims can't coexist with Hindus
Muslims can't coexist with Buddhists
Muslims can't coexist with Atheists
Muslims can't coexist with Agnostics
Muslims can't even coexist with themselves
But in the end of the day muslims are the victims and we the non-muslims are the aggressors. Hope the liberal garbage within our societies open their eyes and see this evil vile murderous rapist idelogy as it is.
Muslims can't coexist with Jews
Muslims can't coexist with Baha'i
Muslims can't coexist with Zoroastrians
Muslims can't coexist with Hindus
Muslims can't coexist with Buddhists
Muslims can't coexist with Atheists
Muslims can't coexist with Agnostics
Muslims can't even coexist with themselves
But in the end of the day muslims are the victims and we the non-muslims are the aggressors. Hope the liberal garbage within our societies open their eyes and see this evil vile murderous rapist idelogy as it is.
Styx
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lol, tone it down, man.. they'll ban you
but yeah, the 'practicing' wahhabi has no place in modern society where literally everything is antithetical to their beliefs... to them, we're all infidels who deserve death, even normal muslims, or maybe especially normal muslims deserve death.
nasty brain virus, more dangerous than MERS and it comes from "saudi" arabia.. it leads to organizations like isis, al qaeda, fsa etc.. sharia maniac suicide pedo scum.
Azizam
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Problem is with this ideology not wahabism in particular. Their refusal to take responsibility, victim complex, refusal to see their owm faults boil my blood. How many more lives we lose until we realise that enough is enough?
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