ASEAN Affairs Forum

[Reashot Xigwin]

Whither Asean identity and consciousness?

By Johan Jaaffar | Twitter: @Johan_Jaaffar | zulu.jj@hotmail.com

CHALLENGES AHEAD: Despite Asean being the melting pot of cultures and diversity, it still lacks the mindset, identity and oneness for a people-centred regional community
NEXT year Malaysia will take over the chairmanship of Asean. The detractors are saying Asean is already 47 years old and exhibiting serious symptoms of mid-aged crisis. It has lost its lustre and a sense of purpose. In fact, there are those who questioned the relevance of the association. Many would like to believe that Asean is steeped in rhetoric but little on substance.

The truth is for almost five decades Asean has played an important role in ensuring security, socio-cultural dynamics and economic wellbeing of its member states. Asean covers a land area of more than 4.4 million kilometres, a population of 620 million and a combined gross domestic product of at least RM7.8 trillion. It is a force to be reckoned with. It is as diverse as any regional organisation, perhaps even more so. At least 150 major and minor languages and dialects are spoken here. Asean is indeed the melting pot of cultures and diversity.

Asean is also a study in anachronism. It has a first world nation and some of the poorest third world countries. It consists of sprawling metropolises as well as far-flung hammocks hundreds of kilometres away from the nearest town. There are areas that are fully wired and yet there are pockets where even a dial tone has never been heard of.

Asean is about Richistan (the land of the rich) and hundreds of millions of others living on less than RM5 a day. Asean is all that and more.

What seem to be the unifying factors for Asean? Some would argue there is a dire need for an Asean consciousness, whatever that means. Or perhaps an Asean mindset, which is almost utopian in execution. Or the need to create an Asean community which is the goal adopted by the member nations.

The road map for the Asean community is already in place, but the way can be bumpy and problematic. However, Asean has weathered some tumultuous times, endured cultural baggage and issues pertaining to territorial disputes together. The report card has not been stellar but things would have been worse without Asean.

The Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak, in his keynote address at the National Colloquium on Malaysia's chairmanship of Asean 2015, harped on the idea of a "people-centred Asean". He argued that Asean should no longer be the domain of the elite and the specialists alone.

"A people-centred Asean will see the most direct involvement of all sectors of society in Asean activities." He mentioned "one Asean for all."

Now, that's the catch. To get Asean to work and think like one is a daunting task. Asean needs rethinking, realignment and re-inventing. It needs rebranding and remarketing. The notion of Asean should mean one thing for everyone, but for now it is just a matter of interpretation, conjecture and clever guess.

Asean is merely perceived as "the government thing" by the populace. There is no Asean mindset, identity or even awareness. Perhaps not yet.

In fact Asean matters little to the young. That is the saddest part. If we believe in the future, we have to instil Asean-ness in the young. They must understand what Asean means to them. They are the future stakeholders of Asean. They must be engaged at all cost. Whoever is responsible to ensure the success of an Asean community must first shape an Asean mindset among the young.

I gave a talk about the role of the media (conventional and social) to promote an Asean mindset in the colloquium. I suggested, among other things, the need for editors and journalists to talk to each other. We need to set up appropriate vehicles for a healthy media dialogue. There must be quality interactions among media practitioners.

I believe it is about time for the formation of an association of Asean editors. At the same time, on the social media front, we must encourage Asean netizens to engage each other. The media can help to contextualise and create an Asean consciousness or identity. The Asean bonding can only be achieved if we are willing to break cultural, geographical and political barriers for a better, more peaceful and prosperous Asean.


Read more: Whither Asean identity and consciousness? - Columnist - New Straits Times Whither Asean identity and consciousness? - Columnist - New Straits Times

 

[Harkness]

ASEAN and UN Peacekeeping
ASEAN will slowly develop and evolve regional peacekeeping coordination capacity.

By Carl Thayer
April 25, 2014

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has set the objective of creating an ASEAN Community by the end of 2015. The ASEAN Community will be based on three pillars or communities: the ASEAN Political-Security Community, the ASEAN Economic Community and the ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community.

After the ASEAN Political-Security Community is created, what role could ASEAN and the United Nations undertake in peace operations in Southeast Asia and globally? How would ASEAN’s existing capacity and structure have to change in order to deploy on peace operations?

These questions and other questions were posed at an international conference on “The New Landscape of Peace Operations: A Dialogue with South East Asia and Vietnam.” The conference was convened in Hanoi from April 15-16 under the co-sponsorship of the Swedish International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), the Frederick Ebert Stiftung (FES) based in Germany, and the University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Vietnam National University.

The conference was the last in a series of similar conferences held regionally by SIPRI in Europe, Middle East, Africa, South Asia, South America, Central Asia and Northeast Asia. The Hanoi conference was attended by delegates from the United Nations, Europe, Southeast Asia and Australia. It was conducted under Chatham House rules.

The conference was held in Hanoi because Vietnam will become the newest member of ASEAN to contribute to peace support operations under the UN. Seven other members of ASEAN have participated in UN peace operations. As of January 31, total Southeast Asian contributions (including police, military experts and troops) stood at: Brunei (26), Cambodia (342), Indonesia (1,697), Malaysia (909), Philippines (703), and Thailand (33). Singapore contributed 22 personnel in 2013.

The Dialogue with Southeast Asia and Vietnam was preceded by an invitation-only national seminar titled “Contributing to Peace Operations: Experiences, Challenges and Priorities.” There it was announced that Vietnam has approved the setting up of a Peacekeeping Center and Vietnam will make a modest contribution by deploying two military observers to the Sudan this year. At the same time, Vietnam will commence detailed planning for further commitments, including humanitarian missions involving mine clearance and medical assistance.

The national seminar delved deeply into the obstacles and challenges that Vietnam faced in reaching a decision to commit to UN peace operations. Vietnam, in fact, refrained from making its annual UN levy on peacekeeping from 1975 until 1994. Vietnam currently contributes $1 million annually.

At the national seminar it was revealed that, due to lack of consensus among policymakers, Vietnam’s Master Plan on contributions to UN peace operations, originally scheduled for release in 2013, has been postponed to 2015. A key factor in this decision was uncertainty about public support for sending Vietnamese military personnel abroad, especially if there were casualties.

Vietnamese participants highlighted other obstacles and challenges. One major impediment was legal in nature. In 2013, Vietnam amended Article 64 in its state constitution and inserted the clause “[the people’s armed forces] shall contribute to the protection of peace in the region and in the world” to provide sanction for its participation in UN peace operations.

This year, Vietnam’s National Assembly will give legal effect to the constitutional amendment by passing a resolution providing for the deployment of armed forces personnel abroad in the service of the UN. The National Assembly will follow up later by drafting a Law on Peacekeeping authorizing Vietnam to meet its international obligations.

ASEAN Peacekeeping Centers Network

In 2003, Indonesia proposed a Plan of Action to assist in the creation of the ASEAN Political-Security Community by 2020 (since brought forward to 2015). The ASEAN Political-Security Community was proposed as a mechanism for ASEAN states to settle disputes and security issues among themselves. It included a proposal to create an ASEAN peacekeeping network.

In 2004, Indonesia proposed at a meeting of ASEAN senior officials the creation of an ASEAN peacekeeping force that could be deployed to assist in the settlement of internal disputes such as the conflicts in Aceh and the southern Philippines.

According to Marty Natalegawa, then Acting Director General for ASEAN Cooperation (and now Indonesia’s Foreign Minister):

What we are saying is ASEAN countries should know one another better than anyone else and therefore we should have the option for ASEAN countries to take advantage of an ASEAN peacekeeping force to be deployed if they so wish.

Natalegawa’s proposal was quickly scotched by Thailand and Singapore.

Nevertheless, individual ASEAN members have welcomed the role of outside military observers in conflict settlement. For example, in 2003 Indonesia permitted unarmed military monitors from Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand (as well as the European Union) to observe the ceasefire in Aceh. The following year, the Philippines invited Malaysian military personnel to Mindanao to observe Malaysian-mediated peace talks between the Philippine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front.

Four ASEAN members – Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand – contributed troops and civilian police to the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor. In 2006, the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste sought assistance from Malaysia (as well as Portugal, Australia, and New Zealand) to provide assistance in restoring stability after a domestic crisis erupted into large-scale violence.

In 2011, in a set back for ASEAN efforts to play a mediating role in the border clashes between Thailand and Cambodia, Thailand declined Indonesia’s offer to send military personnel to observe a ceasefire. At that time, Indonesia was chair of the ASEAN Standing Committee.

In a more positive development, Indonesia’s 2003 proposal for a network of ASEAN national peacekeeping centers gradually took shape. The Three-Year Work Program (2008-2010) adopted by the 2nd ASEAN Defense Ministers’ Meeting (ADMM) in 2007 included a provision for establishing a network among ASEAN peacekeeping centers in order to conduct joint training and exchange of experiences.

In 2009, the proposal for creating a network of ASEAN peacekeeping centers was included in the ASEAN Political-Security Community Blueprint. The 5th ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting (ADMM) in 2011 adopted the Concept Paper on the Establishment of ASEAN Peacekeeping Centers Network (APCN) and included a provision on networking in its second Three-Year Work Program (2011-2013).

The first meeting of the APCN was held in Kuala Lumpur in September 2012. It was co-hosted by Thailand and Indonesia and attended by Cambodia, the Philippines, and Malaysia. The second meeting was held in Bogor in September 2013 with the participation of all national peacekeeping centers as well as military representatives from Laos and Myanmar.

ASEAN and UN PKO

The international conference on “The New Landscape of Peace Operations: A Dialogue with South East Asia and Vietnam” did not adopt any formal recommendations. SIPRI, however, will prepare and publish a conference report offering a summary of the discussions.

In looking at the future, conference participants reached consensus that ASEAN, as a regional association, was unlikely to become involved in UN peace support operations outside Southeast Asia under the ASEAN flag.

The eight troop contributing countries were likely to continue to support traditional UN peace operations on an individual basis. They were less likely to support multi-dimensional or robust peacekeeping efforts.

Indonesia, which is currently ranked as the world’s seventeenth largest contributor to UN peacekeeping missions, has set itself the objective of becoming one of the top ten troop contributing countries. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono made this commitment when he opened the Indonesia Peace and Security Center in Sentul, West Java on April 7.

Participants found it difficult to identify realistic scenarios in which the United Nations would become involved in peacekeeping missions in Southeast Asia over the next five to ten years. Rather, ASEAN members preferred to operate through regional mechanisms, especially for peace-building missions. Participants also felt it unlikely that ASEAN would agree to assemble a standby force for regional contingencies in the near term.

Participants were generally in agreement that Southeast Asia’s norms upholding sovereignty and non-intervention, and the requirement of consent by the host state, would mitigate against any ASEAN-initiated intervention among its members. Participants from Southeast Asia also noted that these norms held stronger sway than the newer norms of the Responsibility to Protect and Protection of Civilians.

The most likely future development is expansion of the ASEAN Peacekeeping Centers Network to include all ten members. This was touted as an example of ASEAN connectivity. The APCN was also expected to promote specialist niches of expertise among its members.

The prospect of ASEAN interoperability and standby arrangements were viewed as long-term objectives. ASEAN, however, could be expected to take the lead in dealing with armed conflict between its members or the serious outbreak of domestic violence in a state. But ASEAN would use primarily diplomatic and political tools such as those enumerated in Article 23 of the ASEAN Charter – good offices, consultation, mediation etc. – to meet its obligations. ASEAN and its members would resist the use of force.

Depending on the circumstances, individual ASEAN members might contribute to conflict resolution at the invitation of the host state or by the consent of the parties concerned.

 

[Zero_wing]

Again ASEAN is a good Economic Forum but A regional Political or anything else ASEAN is useless heck we cant even Unite on an Issue that in reality concern us all the china threat and having a United voice on stoping china's Imperialist designs in the region so again its no duh ASEAN as regional group is big F#^*ing epic fail its should just stick to economic matters not trying to copy the EU.

 

[eazzy]

Maybe Chinese imperialism would not be a problem if you didn't suddenly decide to claim Chinese territory thinking you could do anything since China was isolated and you had USA backing... ASEAN is 10countries...2 of them actively complain about Chinese imperialism...maybe you are the problem.

 

[Zero_wing]

Ha real chinaman using French flag nice one chinaboy china is rule breaker and international felon from the very start and what do you call forcing your way in? Oh please cut the BS of chinese Bull yours my foot cant even prove that ITCLOS if it was so true why not put it to the test? why so afraid to commit and submit or you have nothing to stand on?

 

[Reashot Xigwin]

ASEAN moves closer to regional defence industry collaboration

Jon Grevatt, Bangkok - IHS Jane's Defence Industry
26 May 2014

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) took another step towards establishing a formal arrangement for regional defence industrial collaboration during the 8 th ASEAN defence ministers' meeting (ADMM), which ended on 21 May in Myanmar.

In a joint declaration, regional defence ministers agreed to adopt the terms of reference for an "ASEAN defence industry collaboration consultative group" that will draw up a range of related activities for discussion and approval during the 9 th ADMM in Malaysia in 2015.

The consultative group will propose a framework of activities related to education and training, an outline of feasible areas of industrial collaboration, and suggest measures to overcome continuing concerns in the region about the ownership and funding of collaborative projects as well as the transfer of technologies and intellectual property between ASEAN member states

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Janes IHS

 

[Reashot Xigwin]

Free Speech Under Attack in Southeast Asia
Mainstream and social media are increasingly the target of state censorship in the region.

By Mong Palatino
June 05, 2014

Image Credit: Rohan Radheya

One undeniable and distressing sign that Southeast Asian democracy is regressing is the rising incidence of media freedom violations in the region. If political reforms are slow or are being reversed, the state of free speech is faring even more badly.

The muzzling of the press under Thailand’s coup regime reflects the exceedingly difficult conditions facing journalists today, not just there but in other Southeast Asian states as well.

However, Thailand’s situation needs particular attention because of the sudden reversal of people’s hard-won civil liberties, as the army continues to tighten its grip on Thai society. When martial law was declared, the army quickly seized control of media facilities, such as the newsrooms of television, radio stations and newspapers. TV was only allowed to broadcast army announcements and patriotic songs from the Second World War era. Critical editors and journalists were summoned and silenced by the junta. “Inappropriate” websites were blocked, and dissenting netizens were warned that they could face prosecution for undermining authorities.

Proof of the army’s distrust of news agencies is a government report warning citizens that they could suffer from mental stress if they consume too much news. To remain healthy, the public was advised to read only news stories from state-run sources. Indeed, free speech was an early casualty under Thailand’s military dictatorship.

Elsewhere in the region, media is also being restricted through more intense regulation. Policymaking, which has targeted both the mainstream and new media, avoided direct censorship in favor of vague and broad measures that diminished opportunities for free expression, while expanding the regulatory powers of the state.

For example, East Timor’s parliament has recently passed a media law which was immediately condemned by human rights advocates and journalists as a threat to media freedom. They specifically questioned the mandate of a proposed Press Council that will oversee and approve media licenses.

In Cambodia, a draft cybercrime law criminalizes web content that generates “political cohesiveness” – whatever that might mean. In the Philippines, the Supreme Court affirmed the legality of cyber libel. In Singapore, there is concern that the anti-harassment law could be used to prevent journalists and researchers from pursuing critical or investigative topics involving the government. Indonesia said it needed to protect the public from **** when it banned video-streaming website Vimeo, but this action infuriated many people who responsibly using the site to access information.

While media laws can provide protection to media producers, they are also often used to intimidate or even punish government critics. There is a recent trend of public officials pursuing or threatening to use legal actions against critics.

In Singapore, the prime minister has sued an unknown blogger for defamation, even though the latter has apologized. In Malaysia, the prime minister has threatened to take legal action against an independent website for allowing “seditious” comments on their portal. In Myanmar, some journalists were detained for reporting about corruption, or for interviewing government officials during office hours.

Vietnam’s mainstream media remains under strict state surveillance, while social media networks are regularly blocked. Dissident bloggers are arrested and given harsh prison sentences. When Brunei announced its plan to implement Sharia Law in the whole country, the Sultan warned netizens not to criticize the policy. The Philippine press is one of the freest in the region since it does not have a board of censors, yet the Philippines is listed among the most dangerous countries in the world for journalists because of the high number of unsolved media killings.

It seems that the vision of a single ASEAN community uniting on a common platform has been realized already. But rather than economic integration or joint military exercises, this shared platform is the undermining of free speech and the heavy regulation of the media.

Free Speech Under Attack in Southeast Asia | The Diplomat

 

[athlon]

Again ASEAN is a good Economic Forum but A regional Political or anything else ASEAN is useless heck we cant even Unite on an Issue that in reality concern us all the china threat and having a United voice on stoping china's Imperialist designs in the region so again its no duh ASEAN as regional group is big F#^*ing epic fail its should just stick to economic matters not trying to copy the EU.

I think economic challenge is just the first step, strengthening the foundation of the forum. It has a big chance to strengthen other aspects in the future. Maybe politic, military, culture, and elses. Who knows...

 

[Zero_wing]

I think economic challenge is just the first step, strengthening the foundation of the forum. It has a big chance to strengthen other aspects in the future. Maybe politic, military, culture, and elses. Who knows...

Again economics only

 

[athlon]

Again economics only

Yes, for now

 

[Zero_wing]

Ya if and only if ASEAN can get it togther otherwise its still a talk shop or a water cooler party

 

[kalu_miah]

'Floating schools' for sea gypsy kids to open in Basulta | Nation, News, The Philippine Star | philstar.com

'Floating schools' for sea gypsy kids to open in Basulta
By Roel Pareño (philstar.com) | Updated June 14, 2014 - 3:09pm

ZAMBOANGA CITY - The indigenous local sea gypsy children from the Badjao and Sama tribes will no longer be left out from education even at sea as the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) and a Bangladesh-based non-government organization (NGO) will open floating schools on Sunday to the natives in Basilan, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi (Basulta).

The Bangladesh-based NGO called BRAC will launch the Floating Learning Centers in the coastal villages of Tampakan and Tongtong in Siasi town, Sulu in coordination with the ARMM-Department of Education (DepEd) led by Secretary Jamar Kulayan.

At least seven floating schools will be opened as classes resumed throughout the ARMM region.

Three of the floating schools be will designated for Bongao and Pamglima Sugala towns in Tawi-Tawi; another three for Siasi town, Sulu; and one in Lamitan City, Basilan.

Floating learning centers are docked along coastlines, particularly in the island communities that are unable to contribute a land or space. It also targets children in communities along the shorelines and areas that are far from public schools, according to BRAC’s country representative M Nazrul Islam.

BRAC's officials observed that members of the Badjao and Sama tribes are aloof with other larger tribes and appear reluctant in mingling with others.

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“That’s why most of them prefer not to be in school. The BRAC Floating Learning Center is the best learning facility, we thought, that would fit their culture, that would build their trust and confidence, and would make them feel the sense of ownership, which is most important consideration to the sustainability of the project,” he added.

ARMM Regional Gov. Mujiv Hataman said the program will be of great contribution to his administration’s effort to provide children more opportunities to get basic eduction.

Hataman said they have already started the program with the hiring of close to 2,000 qualified teachers a few weeks ago.

An estimated 40,000 out-of-school children will benefit from the Floating Learning Centers this school year.

There are already 312 BRAC learning centers in Maguindanao, 610 in Lanao del Sur, 118 in Tawi-Tawi, 102 in Sulu and 78 in Basilan.

Creating opportunity for the world’s poor | BRAC-Creating opportunity for the world’s poor
BRAC (NGO) - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

 

[Zero_wing]

actual is basilan sir am not trying to be a gramar nazi just making a correction

 

[R2D2]

MAFTA

Multilateral Agreement for a Free Trade Alliance

I propose formation of an economic block MAFTA composed of Pakistan, China, Afghanistan, Russia, Iran, Turkey, Bangla Desh, Sudan, Saudi Arabia, UAE, CARs, Brazil, Indonesia, Malaysia, Venezuella, Japan, Cuba, Bolivia, Ireland, Brunei Dar as Salam and Palestinian Authority for free trade without or reduced customs duties.

A MAFTA secretariat should be formed in Istanbul or Kuala Lumpur to coordinate all the activites.

Pakistan and Afghanistan in particular can benefit from adaptation of the advanced technologies from brotherly countries. An example is the recent Metro Bus project in various cities of Punjab with the help of Turkey.

Malaysia and Indonesia are rich in Palm oil and can meet the needs of member countries. Malaysia is also ahead in technology.

Pakistan is a big exporter of Textile and Leather goods.

Brazil is an important member of BRICS group and the biggest exporter in south America.

Saudi Arabia, Iran and Venezuela are major exporters of crude oil. Russia is also a big exporter of gas and can supply Pakistan through its purchased gas from Turkmenistan.

Japan is the technological giant of the East and is already helping Pakistan in various projects.

Cuba is known for its independent policy and is the leading voice of the leftist world and will help us in gaining more space and allies diplomatically. The Cuban doctors performed selflessly during the 2005 earthquake in Pakistan.

Republic of Ireland is known for its independent foreign policy on the European mainland as opposed to Britain which is always toeing the American line.

Iran has patched up its differences with America and is emerging on world stage as a mature power.

Turkey is leading the Muslim world in moderate thought, technology, foreign investment and outreach.

 

[Muslimdaughter]

List of ASEAN countries GDP, International Monetary Fund 2011 estimates.

Rank Country GDP (millions of USD) GDP (PPP) (Millions of USD) GDP (PPP) per capita
1 Indonesia......... 845,680..... 1,124,000..... 4,666
2 Thailand.......... 345,649..... 616,783 ..... 9,398
3 Malaysia.......... 278,680..... 447,279 ..... 16,240
4 Singapore....... 259,849..... 314,911..... 59,710
5 Philippines...... 213,129..... 390,408 ..... 4,080
6 Vietnam.......... 122,722..... 299,985 ..... 3,359
7 Burma............ 51,925..... 82,679 ..... 1,325
8 Brunei........... 15,533..... 20,969 ..... 49,536
9 Cambodia..... 12,861..... 33,463 ..... 2,239
10 Laos............ 7,891..... 17,433 ..... 2,768