ARE SUBCONTINENT PEACE KEEPING FORCES SCAPEGOATS

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PAKISTAN'S CONTRIBUTION TO UN PEACEKEEPING

Maria Kiani *

Introduction

On the basis of its firm belief in the purposes and principles of the United Nations (UN) Charter, Pakistan has actively participated in UN peacekeeping efforts in different parts of the world, in one of the most visible and constructive activities of the UN. It is the largest contributor to the UN peacekeeping personnel in the world. Since 1962, Pakistan has participated in 28 missions. Today, amongst the 100 personnel-contributing countries, Pakistan ranks highest, by currently making a contribution of 8544 personnel (troop and police) to UN missions in Africa, Asia and Europe. 80 Pakistani peacekeepers have perished in their efforts to maintain peace in the world. In view of the active peacekeeping role that Pakistan has played, this paper traces the altruistic motivations and national interest compulsions that propel Pakistan toward active participation in peacekeeping operations and analyses the nature of the contributions it has made so far.

The UN Charter promises ‘to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war’.1 Although the Charter makes no explicit mention of peacekeeping as a specific UN activity, the UN Security Council (UNSC) was invested with the power to take collective action under Article 24 of the UN Charter, which states that ‘in order to ensure prompt and effective action by the UN’ the ‘primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security’ lies with the UNSC.2

As a young nation in 1947, Pakistan’s commitment to the principles of the UN provided the rationale and doctrinal basis for peacekeeping. No less a person than the founder of the country, Quaid-e-Azam, Mohammed Ali Jinnah directed the fledgling nation's foreign policy towards multilateralism, in pursuit of peace and international security by saying:

‘our foreign policy is one of friendliness and good will towards all nations of the world. We believe in the principle of honesty and fair play in national and international dealings and are prepared to make our utmost contribution to the promotion of peace and prosperity among nations of the world. Pakistan will never be found lacking in extending its material and moral support to the oppressed and depressed people of the world an in upholding the principles of the UN Charter.’

Pakistan’s support for the UN’s role as an arbiter and custodian of international peace and security has been constant. In 1949, Pakistan became the recipient of UN Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP), which was one of the earliest and has been longest-running peacekeeping mission of the UN. Thus, Pakistan early on recognised the value and importance of peacekeeping missions. UNMOGIP was deployed to supervise the ceasefire agreed to between India and Pakistan in the State of Jammu and Kashmir under the UN auspices. Regarding UNMOGIP’s role, Pakistan’s Foreign Secretary, Riaz Khokar, stated that ‘Pakistan attaches great importance to both the symbolic value and substantive contribution of this mission’.3

Political, structural and economic weakness plagued the young nation from the onset and Pakistan’s defence forces remained rudimentary. Peacekeeping is a costly exercise which requires well-trained soldiers with appropriate equipment. Pakistan’s initial peacekeeping contributions began in the wake of generous American military and economic aid. Between 1954 and 1965, the US provided Pakistan with US$630 million in direct-grant assistance and more than US$670 million in concessional sales of defence equipment and defence-support assistance.4 The impact on the military of this new relationship was far-reaching. Aside from gains in material assets, the Pakistan army adopted the latest concepts in military organisation and thinking with enthusiasm.5 Strengthened with new capabilities and technologies, and cognisant of India’s 6000 infantry participation in UN peacekeeping mission in 1953 during the Korean War, Pakistan took its first steps in the peacekeeping arena during the military rule of Field Marshal Ayub Khan in the 1960s by participating in the UN Operation in the Congo (ONUC, 1960-1964). This was followed by a contribution of 1500 infantry contingent to the UN Security Force in West Guinea (West Irian) (UNSF) in 1962 and participation in an observer mission in the UN Yemen Observation Mission (UNYOM) in 1964.

However, it was not until 25 years later, in 1989, that Pakistan once again contributed 20 military observers, to the UN transition Assistance Group in Namibia (UNTAG). The hiatus was due to Pakistan’s preoccupation with the destabilising events taking place on its eastern and western borders. In the 25 year gap, Pakistan became the recipient of two UN peacekeeping missions. Following the Indo-Pak war in September 1965, the UN India-Pakistan Mission (UNIPOM) was established to supervise the ceasefire along the India-Pakistan border, barring the State of Jammu and Kashmir for which UNMOGIP already existed, to ensure the withdrawal of all armed personnel to the positions held by them before August 5, 1965. After the withdrawal of the troops by India and Pakistan had been completed, UNIPOM was terminated.6 This was followed by Pakistan hosting UN Good Offices Mission in Afghanistan and Pakistan (UNGOMAP) in 1988, after the Soviet defeat in Afghanistan. UNGOMAP was set up to oversee the implementation of the Geneva Accords; withdrawal of Soviet forces and voluntary return of Afghan refugees.7

The prevailing post-Cold War geo-strategic realities compelled Pakistan to actively re-enter the peacekeeping arena. In the absence of a Soviet threat, the strategic value of Afghanistan and Pakistan in the post-Cold War world plummeted for the US, the reigning sole superpower. On October 1, 1990, the US suspended all military assistance and fresh economic aid to Pakistan under the Pressler Amendment8 and the very texts of ‘Islam’ and ‘jihad,’ which had provided the requisite impetus to the Afghan resistance, became an anathema to the US and the Western world. Internationally, Pakistan became increasingly isolated and misunderstood as it became subsumed in the verbiage over terrorism and the country’s international standing waned. Meanwhile, during this period, the UN intensified its attempts to serve as an effective instrument to reduce and perhaps prevent violent conflict within the international system, which led to an increase in its peacekeeping activities.9 The conventional foreign policy instruments of military force, trade and diplomacy, are not the only ones available to a state for enhancing influence at international level.10 In the prevalent international political context in which Pakistan found itself, peacekeeping provided an avenue to enhance the country's image and stature; manifest its unfaltering commitment to the UN issues of peace and security, and to humanitarian causes. Over the years, a constructive peacekeeping role has brought Pakistan wide recognition and international visibility, enhancing its multilateral and bilateral ties, which help to positively reflect Pakistan’s foreign policy issues and goals.

The military-operational benefits gained by participation in UN peacekeeping missions further motivated Pakistan to seek the role of an active peacekeeping nation. Currently, Pakistan (8544 personnel) ranks highest among the top five contributors11 to UN missions, followed by Bangladesh (7163), Nigeria (3570), Ghana (3341) and India (2934), all of whom are developing nations which need to maintain their large standing armies at optimal levels to ensure operational readiness.12 A UN peacekeeping mission is a complex endeavour in which multiple national forces of varying experiences and expertise cooperate and coordinate to achieve the given mandate. A total of 100 countries are contributing more than 58,756 personnel as of July 2004. Participation in a complex multinational UN mission provides Pakistan’s forces with an opportunity to be exposed to operational procedures of other forces; learn new techniques of planning; logistics and communications skills; command and control structures; methods of coordination and use state of the art weaponry and machinery. This military training and exposure has proved to be invaluable to the Pakistan Army. President General Pervez Musharraf in an interview said; ‘we would like to contribute as many troops as possible anywhere in the world.’13

In order to motivate troops to serve in a foreign country under risky and volatile conditions a financial incentive is essential. According to the Department of Peacekeeping (DPKO) at the UN, countries volunteering uniformed personnel to peacekeeping operations are reimbursed by the UN at a flat rate of a little over $1,000 per soldier per month. In addition, peacekeeping soldiers are paid by their own governments according to their own national rank and salary scale. The UN also reimburses countries for equipment.14 A rough estimate of the total sum that accrue to Pakistan forces by serving in numerous UN peacekeeping missions show that the present serving 8544 Pakistani personnel earn over a total of approximately $ US 8,544,000 (or Rs. 461,376,000) per month (without the inclusion of national service charges, national remuneration of soldiers). The economic gains benefit the peacekeepers as well as the country on the whole.

Pakistan's Peacekeeping Role

Over the years Pakistan's peacekeeping contribution record has been impressive. Since 1960 it has participated in over 28 missions and today singly contributes 14.5% of the global UN peacekeeping operations (see Appendix A). This contribution has been recognised by the global community. UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan, on a visit to Pakistan, in 2001 praised Pakistan’s role by saying;

‘your soldiers have made the ultimate sacrifice in the service of world peace, and the United Nations. I salute this record of global idealism because I believe that it reflects a determination among the Pakistani people to serve the world.’15

Since Pakistan has participated in over 28 missions it is not possible to examine them all in this study, however missions which have impacted on Pakistan’s scope and quality of peacekeeping and have been significant in altering Pakistan’s standing in the international scene are briefly discussed.

UN Peacekeeping is in constant evolution. In generational terms, earlier peacekeeping activities of observing, verifying ceasefires and acting as neutral buffers between two antagonist parties is classified as ‘first generation’ or ‘classical’ peacekeeping. Pakistan participated in three such operations in the Congo, (ONUC, 1960), West New Guinea (UNSF, 1962), Yemen (UNYOM, 1964).

In the post-Cold War period, a global debate surfaced about centrality of the UN in the international security system and its peacekeeping activities changed extensively in response to the demands put on it. ‘Second-generation’ peacekeeping began in the post-Cold War transitional period, as multifunctional operations, launched to bring about a negotiated settlement of complex conflicts, as well as to facilitate peaceful transition of the political processes through elections in the presence of UN peacekeepers in recipient countries.16

Pakistan participated in a number of these second-generation peacekeeping operations namely: UN Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG, 1989), UN Angola Verification Mission (UNAVEM, 1989-1997). Pakistani peacekeepers became involved in multidimensional activities such as: monitoring accords and settlements; disarmament and demobilisation of combatants; verifying that parties to the conflict respect human rights commitments; bringing about reforms needed to tackle the root causes of the civil war; establishing a new policing system and monitoring and conducting free and fair elections.17

After the Gulf War in 1991, Kuwait had turned into a battlefield infested with lethal mines, huge stockpiles of ammunition and explosives, Pakistan under the UN Iraq- Kuwait Observation Mission participated in the land reclamation and the clearance of landmines in an area of over 3000 square kilometres.

Pakistan’s notable contribution in this phase was to the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC, 1992). The mandate of UNTAC was to ensure the withdrawal of all foreign forces, and the supervision of ceasefire, disarmament and demobilisation of Cambodia’s warring factions. Pakistan contributed a contingent and military observers to form part of a force constituting personnel from over 32 countries. The UNTAC Force Commander, Lt. General J. M. Sanderson, appreciating Pakistan’s active role remarked that, ‘the Pakistani contingent showed professionalism, patience, determination and compassion, which indeed are the hallmark of an effective peacekeeping forces.’18

Along with the expanded role and responsibilities of the ‘second-generation’ peacekeeping missions came ‘third-generation’ missions that concentrated largely on enforcement operations under Chapter VII of the UN Charter. Unlike the traditional interstate territorial conflicts, which earlier generations of peacekeeping had dealt with, third-generation peacekeeping evolved in response to complex internal dynamics of domestic conflicts. The UN peacekeeping forces had to respond to complex emergencies which arose out of primordial and ethnic tensions, collapse of the economic and state infrastructure, which in turn resulted in humanitarian disasters, such as genocide, ethnic-cleansing and mass displacement of people – as was the case in the early 1990s in Somalia, Bosnia and Rwanda.19

In these cases, the UN was compelled to act and intervene on humanitarian grounds, without the clear consent of the parties involved in the conflict. This radically altered the threats faced by the peacekeepers and added new dimensions to their roles and responsibilities, which greatly strained the UN both politically and financially. The established principles of peacekeeping roles such as consent; neutrality; impartiality and use of minimal force only in self-defence, all became hotly contested issues. Some case studies suffice to show the complexities the UN peacekeeping forces have faced in the decades of the 1990s, and how Pakistani peacekeeping forces have dealt with such situations.

Somalia: UN Operation in Somalia UNOSOM I, II; 1991-1995

Somalia highlights complexities and risks faced by third generation peacekeeping. Pakistan's role in it has been contested, yet it has also established Pakistani troops as reliable forces who, despite great human costs, fulfilled the mandate given to them and completed the mission successfully. The high-risk complexities of intra-state conflicts such as in Somalia underline the extraordinary demands placed on UN peacekeepers who having to work in a climate of continuing armed conflict, increasingly face the risk of lethal arms in the hands of warring guerrilla factions with little respect for UN principles and safety of peacekeepers.

Pakistan’s involvement in Somalia proceeded through three stages: UNOSOM I, a humanitarian assistance mission; UNOSOM II, a peace enforcement mission for disarmament and nation-building and joint operations with the US-Quick Reaction Force involving active combat.

After the ouster of long-time dictator, Siad Barre, from Mogadishu in January 1991, factional clan fighting for power erupted in Somalia, leading to lawlessness and famine throughout the country. The civil war that followed Barre’s ouster resulted in 300,000 deaths, one million refugees and five million people threatened by hunger and disease.20 In 1992, leaders of warring faction signed a ceasefire agreement, which included provisions to allow a UN monitoring mission into Somalia to oversee arrangements for providing humanitarian assistance under the UN Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM I).

Pakistan initially contributed one infantry battalion of the 7 Frontier Force to UNOSOM I, which was given the task of securing the sea and airports; escorting food convoys and ensuring smooth distribution of relief supplies; recover unauthorised arms; provide medical aid, rehabilitate people and reconstruct infrastructure.21

In the deteriorating security conditions, armed banditry and militia infighting continued and UNOSOM I was unable to mitigate the suffering and trauma of the populace. This led the UNSC to invoke Chapter VII of the Charter, under which a multinational military force of willing member states called the Unified Task Force (UNITAF, 1992) was set up to provide a secure environment for humanitarian relief operations.22 Over 37,000 troops drawn from over two-dozen countries were inducted into UNITAF, also known as ‘Operation Restore Hope’. It was led and commanded by the US. Though the presence of UNITAF led to an improvement in the security situation and delivery of aid, a secure environment still could not be established and violence continued unabated. In March 1993, after all the parties engaged in the conflict signed the Addis Abbaba Accords, which calleda cessation of violence and reconstruction of Somalia, the UNSC in Resolution 814 authorised the establishment of UNOSOM II. Resolution 814 was significant in several ways:

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The UNSC mandated the first ever UN-directed peacekeeping operation under the Chapter VII enforcement provisions of the Charter, including the requirement for UNOSOM II to disarm the Somali clans.
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It explicitly endorsed the objective of rehabilitating the political institutions and economy of a member state.
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It called for building a secure environment throughout the country, including the northern region that had declared its independence.

UNOSOM II was to take over from the US-led UNITAF.23 Pakistan continued to support UNOSOM II by steadily contributing a substantial number of soldiers. Pakistani troops which were the main operative contingent in the war-ravaged part of Mogadishu, controlled by the Farah Aideed faction, were ordered by the UN Force headquarters to carry out an inspection of the weapon storage sites of Farah Aideed, to whom the date and time of the inspection had been relayed in advance. However, on June 5, 1993, when Pakistani inspectors went to inspect the storage sites they came under attack and were ambushed by Aideed's followers who used children and woman as human shields. In the exchange of fire,24 Pakistani's were killed. The June 5, tragedy is one of the UN peacekeeping’s biggest debacles. The Italian force was criticised for the delay in providing cover for the Pakistani troops during the ambush. The Italian contingent, despite being under UN command, had waited for instructions from Rome before helping out the Pakistani troops.24

Thenceforth, Pakistan began to work closely with the US deployed Quick Reaction Force,25 in its pursuit of Aideed and seeking justice26 for the death of the UN peacekeepers. In effect, the US forces and Pakistani peacekeepers became embroiled in open warfare with Farah Aideed. This culminated into October 3, 1993 incident in which 75 US Rangers were surrounded in the Olympic Hotel and had to be rescued by Pakistani and Malaysian troops. In that operation, 18 US Rangers were killed and 84 wounded. Their bodies were dragged through the streets of Mogadishu with images broadcast internationally. This horrified the US government and public. The US unwillingness to bear further casualties led to a hasty exit from Somalia in early 1994.

According to Henry Kissinger, though the Somalian intervention was undertaken under the umbrella of the UN, withdrawal from the region was unilateral in nature. The US was never fully committed to UN objectives in Somalia, and once involved it quickly abandoned the project when its own interests were threatened.27 Pakistan’s experience in Somalia serves as a harsh lesson on how the interests and purposes of the sole superpower and the UN do not necessarily align and smaller countries like Pakistan get entangled if they are not wary.

After the US withdrew from Somalia, other troop contributing nations like Italy, Belgium, France, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia, Turkey, Norway, Germany, Sweden, Morocco, Republic of Korea, United Arab Emirates also departed leaving reducing the force level of UNOSOM II from 28,000 to 15,000 troops. This put tremendous pressure on the remaining Pakistani contingents. In its continued commitment to the UN and UNOSOM II, Pakistan contributed additional troops bringing the total of its contribution to 7200. During UNOSOM I and II, 157 peacekeeping personnel died, 37 of whom were Pakistanis. Being the only country to have served in various phases of the mission, Pakistan was the first country to arrive and the last to leave. This unfaltering commitment has established Pakistan as a reliable peacekeeping nation.28

Bosnia: UN Protection Force (UNPROFOR), 1992-1996

In 1991, Yugoslavia succumbed to a chaotic civil war between the ethnic Serbs, Bosnians and Croats. After much delay and debate within the UN and among the European nations, the UN Protection Force (UNPROFOR) was established in 1992 to monitor a cease-fire agreement in Croatia and provide humanitarian assistance to the effected population. Pakistan contributed a 3000 contingent of two battalions and a National Support Headquarters to UNPROFOR in 1994. The Pakistani battalions, PAKBAT 1 and 2 were deployed at Varies and Durdevik in Bosnia, while the National Support Headquarters was based at Split in Croatia. PAKBAT 1 and 2 facilitated the cessation of hostilities between the Bosnians and Croats; supervised the maintenance of ceasefire agreements; acted as liaison between the warring factions and acted as monitors along confrontation lines.29 Pakistan was the first to respond to the humanitarian needs of over 50,000 Bosnian refugees by providing timely assistance and aid to them after the Serbs had run over the UN declared 'safe havens' of Srebrenica and Zepa in July 1995.

Pakistan also participated in the UN Mission in Bosnia Herzegovina (UNMIB, 1994-2002), which was largely a post-conflict reconstruction and rehabilitation mission. It was one of the 14-non NATO countries that participated in the NATO-led operation called Implementation Force (IFOR, 1995-1996) in Bosnia, making a contribution of 1000 troops.30 Pakistan's reason for participating in a non-UN peacekeeping operation was its commitment and sympathy for the Bosnia people, whose wholescale ethnic-cleansing had become unbearable for the people of Pakistan. The militarly participation in the NATO forces provided Pakistan with a proverbial foot in the door into the higher echelons of NATO representing the territory of Europe. That participation exposed the Pakistani military personnel to modern and state-of-the-art machinery, equipment and communication systems; cohesive planning of military combat and patrols and various facets of greater inter-operationalablilty.

Over 6,000 Pakistani soldiers have served for peace in Bosnia, in which six laid down their lives. Pakistan’s indefatigable support to the people and Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina has been appreciated over the years. An editorial of a Bosnian News Magazine, Ratni Haber, reflects the warm feelings of the Bosnian people towards the Pakistani peacekeepers:

‘PAKBAT I has not only protected us from the brutal assault of Serb offensive but also infused a new spirit into our lives. They have given us all sorts of humanitarian help, taught us the values of Islam and above all given us constant medical care in form of their hospital.’31

In visit to Pakistan in 2004, the Bosnian Foreign Secretary stressed that the existing political relations between Pakistan and Bosnia should be further strengthened and reflected in the bilateral economic relations as well.32 This indicates the potential that peacekeeping activities have in furthering bilateral ties and their positive impact on foreign policy issues.

Issues of Concern

The Under-Secretary General of UN Peacekeeping Operations, Mr. Jean-Marie Guehénno, during his visit to Pakistan in 2004, remarked that despite the increased demand for expansion of peacekeeping operations throughout the world, many of the rich countries of the North have re-oriented their budgets to address issues and concerns related to terrorism. Monetary contributions and commitment to UN peacekeeping operations have plummeted across the world.33

Amidst these developments, Pakistan, however, has not wavered in its support for issues of humanitarian concern worldwide, without any consideration for region, race or religion. It remains committed to the UN and its peacekeeping activities as its largest troops contributor and has been involved in the successful completion of missions in Somalia (UNOSOM I-II, 7200 soldiers), Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL, 38567 soldiers), and The Congo (MONCU, 1066 soldiers). According to the Under-Secretary General, ‘this contribution is highly valued, and the UN looks towards Pakistan for continued commitment to its peacekeeping operations.’34

Pakistan’s active participation in peacekeeping operations and its role is impeded by issues, which need to be evaluated and highlighted. Some of the pressing ones have been listed below.

1. Lack of a National Doctrine of Peacekeeping

Over the years, Pakistan’s foreign policy and consequently its peacekeeping activities, have been directed by its ideological commitment to the principles of multilateralism and internationalism as enunciated by Quaid-e-Azam, as he stated on January 23, 1948: ‘Pakistan, which has been recently admitted to the United Nations Organisation, will do everything in its power to strengthen the Organisation and help it in the achievement of the ideals which have been set up as its goal.' However, Pakistan presently lacks the doctrinal debate and consensus or attention on which to develop an evolving rationale to respond to the changing realities.

The international system is in a constant state of change and peacekeeping tasks perforce reflect these transformations. Peacekeeping has progressed from first to third and possibly fourth generation roles over the years. Role and responsibilities of peacekeepers have drastically expanded in scale and scope due to the change in the nature of conflicts, and the UN’s response to them. Issues of intra-state warfare, peace-enforcement, and participation in high-risk volatile theatres of operation, pre-emptive warfare and pre-emptive peacekeeping add to the complexities of present-day peacekeeping activities.

It is imperative for Pakistan to respond to these global changes in an appropriate manner. Considering the active role that Pakistan has played in UN peacekeeping operations and how it has benefited Pakistan’s foreign and military policy, it is time to buttress Quiad-e-Azam’s ideological framework with a national doctrine of peacekeeping. The doctrine should set political, practical and operational parameters in cognisance of Pakistan’s international standing and should direct its future peacekeeping directions.

Countries like the US, Britain and France have evolved national doctrines for peacekeeping. Britain's doctrine is a comprehensive document, which has been issued as an Army Field Manual entitled ‘Wider Peacekeeping’. It clearly envisions good peacekeeping practices and pragmatically outlines the roles of its soldiers, and delineates the expectations from the UN. Similarly, Pakistan needs to formulate a national doctrine of peacekeeping, which responds to the realities of today and prepares it for the possibilities of tomorrow in light of its national interest.

2. Weak Mechanisms for Deciding Participation in Peacekeeping Operations

A lack of a national doctrine confounds the decision-making through which participation in peacekeeping missions is undertaken. Currently, after the UNSC decides to send a mission to a conflict area it issues a resolution detailing the mandate of the mission and asks member states to make necessary contributions for the missions. In Pakistan, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs makes a policy decision for participation in a mission. The General Headquarters (GHQ) of the Pakistan armed forces and specifically the Peacekeeping Cell at the GHQ decide the scope and scale, logistics and operational details of the Pakistani contingent.

In this decision-making process the involvement of the parliament or public opinion is absent. Sweden, as a contributor towards peacekeeping provides a noteworthy example for Pakistan to emulate. The Swedish constitution, as the final arbiter, prescribes that a Swedish armed unit can be sent abroad in any of the following three cases only:

 

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Home » World » Breaking News » Article
UN peacekeepers under siege in DR Congo: Uruguay

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November 1, 2008 - 1:02PM
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Rwanda-backed rebels in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are laying siege to 100 civilians, 150 Indian peacekeepers and half of the Uruguayan peacekeeping force attempting to secure the area, Uruguay Defense Minister Jose Bayardi said.

The rebels troops led by ethnic Tutsi warlord Laurent Nkunda "are backed by tanks" and "artillery" from Rwanda, according to Uruguayan military commander Jorge Rosales, who is overseeing the peacekeeping troops.

Over the last two days the rebels have laid siege to some 300 Uruguayan and 150 Indian peacekeepers, and some 100 UN staff, NGO personnel and local civilians at a UN base in Rutshuru, near Goma, the regional capital in the eastern province of Nord-Kivu.

The rebels also currently surround the city.

The Uruguayan contingent of the UN mission in the country (MONUC) have been under siege "without drinking water for 48 hours," said Bayardi at a press conference at the Command of Peacekeeping Operations in Montevideo.

"Yesterday there was a contact with Nkunda and the water was restored, but the blockade remains and (those inside) are rationing food," he said.

Rosales said it was "not easy to identify rebel forces," but indicated that there is "high probability that troops from Rwanda are operating in the area."

The rebels have also recently attacked camps for people displaced by the conflict, UN officials reported.

"These (rebel) troops are backed by tanks, something that General Nkunda had not had until now," said Rosales.

Uruguayan peacekeeping troops have been attacked with "artillery fire," and, Rosales said, "Nkunda has also not had artillery" until now.

Some 629 Uruguayan peacekeepers are in Goma, along with 700 peacekeepers from India.

Rebel forces are within two kilometers (1.6 miles) from the UN peacekeepers, eight kilometers north of Goma, said Montevideo.

The peacekeeping forces are in the DRC working secure the area and protect civilians, as well as United Nations personnel and facilities.

 

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General Mohamed Farah Aideed was bristling with indignation at the heavy-handedness of the United Nations International Task Force (UNITAF), the forerunner of UNOSOM I, spearheaded by the Americans. He had restrained himself for a while and decided to keep low profile lest he was accused of being anti-American. Initially, he had even organized his youth wing, the United Somali Social Youth, and several colourfully dressed, ululating women turned out to welcome the American troops at the airport.

They marched down few main streets in south Mogadishu, Aideed's stronghold, carrying banners saying: "We are welcoming the American troops," (Waxaanu soo dhoweyneynaa ciidammada Mareykanka).

At K-4 traffic intersection and street corners members of the youth wing handed out pieces of papers carrying Aideed's pro-American and anti-Butros-Ghali placards, the UN Secretary-General, who at a press conference in New York had accused the General of being a brutal warlord obsessed with the office of the Presidency.

General Aideed's constant complaints to anyone who would listen was how the Americans refuse to accept that Somalia once had a civilization greater than theirs and that the current turmoil was only a temporary hangover from the regime of the former dictator.
Two months after the arrival of the American Marines and Army Rangers in Somalia, he began to have second thoughts about the American's much bandied "Good intentions to help the Somalis stand with their own feet." In a hard-hitting broadcast over his radio station, Aideed repeated his earlier accusation against UNITAF of breaking into homes and ejecting the occupants on the excuse of looking for weapons.

"Because of lack of central government, and because of the chaotic condition in the country, the troops had to come, but no one sought the consent of the Somali people," the General said in another radio broadcast. He said UNITAF forces, sent to protect famine relief supplies from the predatory gunmen, had been welcomed by the Somali people, but begun to lose popular support by their action. "As a result of UNITAF behaviour, the attitude of the Somali people has gone from positive to negative," he said.

The broadcast prompted some 400 people, mostly women and children to demonstrate against the international task force. Similar demonstrations, orchestrated by Abdirahman Tuur, were held in Hargeisa against involving UNITAF operations in Somaliland as proposed by Butros-Ghali, saying there is peace and stability in their self-declared Republic.

Next day a counter demonstration in support of the American-led task force, supporters of Aideed's rival, Ali Mahdi, was held in Mogadishu. The demonstrators exceeded tens of thousands, chanting "Long Life UNITAF," and "DOWN WITH WARMONGERS."

Many of the counter-demonstrators told the international press corps that they resented the wide media blitz given to General Aideed and "his thugs" in the south of the city, ignoring the many parts of the country where an estimated 1,000 people "were dying of starvation every day prior to the arrival of the Americans."

Not to be outfoxed, Aideed supporters distributed leaflets condemning the UN soldiers as "looters," "pirates," "bandits," and "stooges of the Americans", and ordered them to leave the country immediately.

Crudely painted graffiti on dilapidated buildings at K-4 boasted solicitously: "DEATH IS ACCEPTABLE, FOREIGN OPPRESSION IS NOT." Young boys stoned cars and set up barricades with flaming tires at road junctions while UN soldiers watched them from their hastily erected foxholes in front of Nasa-hablood Hotel.

Aideed's leadership faced yet another serious crisis when his deputy and confidante. Colonel Abdi Osman Farah, a former air force ace pilot, said he had parted ways with the General and wanted him removed as chairman of the United Somali Congress/Somali National Alliance.

The Colonel accused his boss of "dictatorial tendency, reminiscent of dictator Mohamed Siyad Barre." And if that was not enough, the Belgian contingent of the international task force arrested his long time ally, Colonel Ahmed Omar Jess in Kismayu and shot dead two of his bodyguards after they threw a hand grenade at their garrison. No Belgian soldier was killed or injured, but other attacking gunmen fled away with a wounded comrade.

The attack prompted after Belgian soldiers barbequed a 12-year-old Somali boy when he refused to eat a piece of pork. The barbeque was splashed on the front pages of Belgian and British newspapers. "A WORLD GONE MADNESS," the British tabloid Daily Express said in a front-page banner with the picture of the Belgian soldiers barbequing the child on an open fire.

THE DEATH OF PAKISTANI PEACEKEEPERS


How did the Pakistani soldiers meet their death? On a gray and cloudy morning of June 5, at Villa Somalia, militia gunmen ambushed twenty-three Pakistani Peace-keepers as they tried to search for weapons in the area. The search sparked rumours that United Nations peace-keepers were planning to seize Aideed's radio station nearby and that the search was a smoke screen.

American spokesman, Major David Stockwell told journalists that it was unclear whether Aideed had ordered the ambush or whether it was spontaneous reaction to the planned inspection. (The Americans abandoned disarmament as "unfeasible", but the UN insisted the inspection regime should continue as long as it takes).

Anyone scanning the UN/US political agenda in Somalia (including yours truly) was tempted to rub their eyes or clean their specs. For one thing, the whole shenanigan was turned into personal revenge against one man at the detriment of humanitarian assistance to the needy, as was the primary intention from the very outset.

Throughout south of the city, aid workers and foreigners stayed indoors as bursts of AK-47 and rocket propelled grenades were launched across K-4, a busy traffic circles near Hotel Saxafi (formerly Hotel K-4) housing most of the foreign journalists and many aid workers. A high velocity bullet hit a member of an Italian TV crew as he tried to focus his camera on a lone sniper nested on a rooftop.

The war of words between Aideed and the United Nations gathered momentum as soon as the Americans formally handed over their peace-keeping mission in Somalia to the United Nations with a Security Council mandate to defend themselves (by using force) code named UN Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM II).

Soon after that the UN radio station, MAANTA, said General Aideed was the main obstacle to peace in Somalia. In New York, an outraged UN Security Council demanded the arrest of those responsible for the killing in ambush of the Pakistani Blue Helmets.

The resolution adopted unanimously in an emergency session, called for the arrest, persecution and trial of gunmen and others responsible of inciting attacks against peacekeepers. Aideed was named as the primary instigator, and was declared a wanted man "dead or alive" with a 25,000 dollar bounty on his head.

Hours after the Security Council Resolution was passed, the Pakistanis opened fire on a crowd of demonstrators, killing at least 14 demonstrators and several innocent bystanders. The same day US AC-130 Flying Gunships blitzed Aideed's cantonment and destroyed an ammunition dump close to his residence. It was the second air strike by the United Nations forces hitting back for the killing of the 23 Pakistanis blamed on Aideed's gunmen. But most of the air raids were blind exercise without clearly defined targets in the heat of the moment.

Answering a journalist's question, a UN spokesman said "there are no innocent bystanders in Somalia".

Aideed himself moved to one of his secret hideouts deep inside a sprawling shantytown the Somalis call Tokyo after he was tipped off (some said by the Italian contingent), of the planned air raids. The Italians furiously denied it.

 

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UNSC strongly condemns attack on Darfur peacekeepers
Source: SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT July 18, 2008

UNITED NATIONS: - The UN Security Council has condemned "in the strongest possible terms" the July 8 attack on UN-African Union (AU) peacekeepers in Sudan's Darfur.
In a statement issued on Wednesday, the 15-member body expressed its concern that the largest ever attack on the force so far was "premeditated, deliberate and intended to inflict casualties."
According to the statement read by this month's president, Vietnam's UN Ambassador Le Luong Minh, the attack that resulted in the death of seven peacekeepers and the wounding of 22 others was an "unacceptable act of extreme violence."
A military and police convoy of the AU-UN Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID) was ambushed in Um Hakiba by 200 fighters on horses and in 40 vehicles, using sophisticated weaponry and tactics.
In its presidential statement, the council underlined its determination to take action against those responsible after hearing the outcome of UNAMID's investigation, also underlining that attacks on UN peacekeepers during an armed conflict could constitute war crimes.
It called on the government of Sudan to do its utmost to ensure that the perpetrators of the attack would be swiftly identified and brought to justice.
The council stressed that any attack or threat against UNAMID was unacceptable, and demanded that there be no reoccurrence.