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analysis: ISI in a democratic milieu Talat Masood
The very nature of intelligence agencies is such that it demands they remain secretive. But this should not result in intelligence agencies acquiring an independent status that distances them from the parliament and the government
Great confusion prevailed last week surrounding the government notification that placed the Inter Services Intelligence and the Intelligence Bureau under the Ministry of Interior. Politicians, civil society activists and some analysts welcomed the move, but others including former ISI chiefs and stalwarts of the past regime thought that it was a conspiracy, a sell-out to the Americans or/and the Indians.
However, the order pertaining to the ISI was rescinded the next morning and was reverted to the original organisational status that kept it directly under the Prime Minister.
This is another classic case which illustrates that Pakistans decision making process about major national issues is extremely flawed. In fact it lacks the structural and procedural ingredients necessary for arriving at rational decisions that have wide acceptability, are truly in the national interest and are enduring.
This reversal of the decision also indicates where the power still lies despite the induction of a civilian democratic dispensation. The merits of the decision to place the ISI under Ministry of Interior aside, what emerges clearly is that the transition to civilian rule is still a far cry and a pious hope; and that the civilian government is still tottering and unsure of itself.
In principle, the government was justified in trying to bring the premier intelligence agency under civilian control. Although nominally it is already under the prime minister but neither has he the time, the institutional structure or the political capacity for credible oversight.
In democracies worldwide, intelligence agencies are subservient to the civilian government both through organisational structures and through parliamentary oversight. Moreover, it is only by interacting with the parliament that the intelligence and political governments thinking can come closer. In the case of Pakistan, when civilian governments have been in power, the two have been on different wavelengths.
There has generally remained a wide gap between the global and regional perspective of intelligence agencies and political parties. No doubt the values that are foremost for those defending the frontiers are at variance with the more relaxed value system of the society and politicians. The very nature of intelligence agencies is such that it demands they remain secretive. But this should not result in intelligence agencies acquiring an independent status that distances them from the parliament and the government.
It is only through this process of synthesis of different views that politicians and intelligence agencies harmonise their thinking, helping the government to formulate more rational policies. On broad policy issues and prioritisation of effort, a greater level of coordination between intelligence agencies is required. The government of course should remain the ultimate arbiter by asserting its political will over issues where there is difference of emphasis or substance.
In any case, intelligence agencies are not there to formulate policies. If politicians are on board for security and intelligence issues, society too starts appreciating the hard realities and intricacies of how the world and regional politics operate, how they influence each other and what the best course is for defending national interests and a countrys borders.
The government was wrong to take the decision in haste. Apparently, it did not consult the Chairman JSCS and the COAS. It should have formally taken up the issue in the Defence Committee of the Cabinet, placed it before the Cabinet and after its concurrence, brought the matter before the parliament.
Moreover, the choice of Ministry of Interior became controversial on two counts; the Ministry essentially deals with domestic issues whereas ISIs sphere of activity is primarily external. Although in recent times, a major focus of ISI and IB is the rapidly increasing militancy in FATA and other parts of the country, that is partly a domestic and partly an external phenomenon.
Interestingly, several countries including Germany have their intelligence agencies dealing with external and strategic threats under the Ministry of Interior. In Germany, all the intelligence agencies are subjected to parliamentary oversight and scrutiny. All the proceedings of the intelligence committees are video-taped for record. Also, senior appointments in the agency are made only when they are cleared by the Bundestag.
In the US the Congress has intelligence committees that review, assess and scrutinise the work of all intelligence agencies. The CIA also interacts closely with the Chairman of the JSCS.
In Pakistan too it is now necessary that the parliament appoints intelligence committees and gradually assumes its responsibility of overseeing the premier intelligence agencies. In the beginning, it will undoubtedly face difficulties due to the absence of experience and its limited knowledge of intelligence issues. But Pakistan cannot forever remain a state where nothing changes for the better and we make the excuse that the civilian government is inexperienced and not capable of handling these sensitive matters.
Another related issue deals with the reputation of the ISI. Despite its highly professional capabilities and being ranked among the top intelligence agencies of the world, it has become a casualty of a systematic campaign of vilification and an easy target of India and the western world.
In essence its vulnerability lies in it being perceived as unaccountable and as the oft repeated cliché a state within a state. In reality, intelligence agencies such as CIA, RAW and MI5 may be involved in far greater and more detrimental clandestine activities in the region or at the global level to advance the so called national interests of their respective countries.
Another point of contention is the political role of the ISI in the country and the saga of missing persons. Whereas the political cell was established during Mr Bhuttos tenure, it has taken a part of ISIs valuable resources away from its primary role and has become involved in domestic politics. Not only is the existence of this cell a gross violation of democratic norms and immoral but it is also unfair to the organisation. The cell should be withdrawn through a government administrative order and Gazette notification.
Several countries, on a half-yearly or annual basis, issue intelligence estimates or security assessment statements for the benefit of the general public. This practice, apart from informing the public of the security situation and potential threats facing the country, acts as a good confidence building measure and improves rapport with the public.
Surely, the image of ISI abroad and within the country and Pakistans efforts at strengthening its security can improve if these institutional and administrative changes are introduced.
The writer is a retired Lieutenant General of the Pakistan Army. He can be reached at talat@comsats.net.pk
Daily Times - Leading News Resource of Pakistan
The very nature of intelligence agencies is such that it demands they remain secretive. But this should not result in intelligence agencies acquiring an independent status that distances them from the parliament and the government
Great confusion prevailed last week surrounding the government notification that placed the Inter Services Intelligence and the Intelligence Bureau under the Ministry of Interior. Politicians, civil society activists and some analysts welcomed the move, but others including former ISI chiefs and stalwarts of the past regime thought that it was a conspiracy, a sell-out to the Americans or/and the Indians.
However, the order pertaining to the ISI was rescinded the next morning and was reverted to the original organisational status that kept it directly under the Prime Minister.
This is another classic case which illustrates that Pakistans decision making process about major national issues is extremely flawed. In fact it lacks the structural and procedural ingredients necessary for arriving at rational decisions that have wide acceptability, are truly in the national interest and are enduring.
This reversal of the decision also indicates where the power still lies despite the induction of a civilian democratic dispensation. The merits of the decision to place the ISI under Ministry of Interior aside, what emerges clearly is that the transition to civilian rule is still a far cry and a pious hope; and that the civilian government is still tottering and unsure of itself.
In principle, the government was justified in trying to bring the premier intelligence agency under civilian control. Although nominally it is already under the prime minister but neither has he the time, the institutional structure or the political capacity for credible oversight.
In democracies worldwide, intelligence agencies are subservient to the civilian government both through organisational structures and through parliamentary oversight. Moreover, it is only by interacting with the parliament that the intelligence and political governments thinking can come closer. In the case of Pakistan, when civilian governments have been in power, the two have been on different wavelengths.
There has generally remained a wide gap between the global and regional perspective of intelligence agencies and political parties. No doubt the values that are foremost for those defending the frontiers are at variance with the more relaxed value system of the society and politicians. The very nature of intelligence agencies is such that it demands they remain secretive. But this should not result in intelligence agencies acquiring an independent status that distances them from the parliament and the government.
It is only through this process of synthesis of different views that politicians and intelligence agencies harmonise their thinking, helping the government to formulate more rational policies. On broad policy issues and prioritisation of effort, a greater level of coordination between intelligence agencies is required. The government of course should remain the ultimate arbiter by asserting its political will over issues where there is difference of emphasis or substance.
In any case, intelligence agencies are not there to formulate policies. If politicians are on board for security and intelligence issues, society too starts appreciating the hard realities and intricacies of how the world and regional politics operate, how they influence each other and what the best course is for defending national interests and a countrys borders.
The government was wrong to take the decision in haste. Apparently, it did not consult the Chairman JSCS and the COAS. It should have formally taken up the issue in the Defence Committee of the Cabinet, placed it before the Cabinet and after its concurrence, brought the matter before the parliament.
Moreover, the choice of Ministry of Interior became controversial on two counts; the Ministry essentially deals with domestic issues whereas ISIs sphere of activity is primarily external. Although in recent times, a major focus of ISI and IB is the rapidly increasing militancy in FATA and other parts of the country, that is partly a domestic and partly an external phenomenon.
Interestingly, several countries including Germany have their intelligence agencies dealing with external and strategic threats under the Ministry of Interior. In Germany, all the intelligence agencies are subjected to parliamentary oversight and scrutiny. All the proceedings of the intelligence committees are video-taped for record. Also, senior appointments in the agency are made only when they are cleared by the Bundestag.
In the US the Congress has intelligence committees that review, assess and scrutinise the work of all intelligence agencies. The CIA also interacts closely with the Chairman of the JSCS.
In Pakistan too it is now necessary that the parliament appoints intelligence committees and gradually assumes its responsibility of overseeing the premier intelligence agencies. In the beginning, it will undoubtedly face difficulties due to the absence of experience and its limited knowledge of intelligence issues. But Pakistan cannot forever remain a state where nothing changes for the better and we make the excuse that the civilian government is inexperienced and not capable of handling these sensitive matters.
Another related issue deals with the reputation of the ISI. Despite its highly professional capabilities and being ranked among the top intelligence agencies of the world, it has become a casualty of a systematic campaign of vilification and an easy target of India and the western world.
In essence its vulnerability lies in it being perceived as unaccountable and as the oft repeated cliché a state within a state. In reality, intelligence agencies such as CIA, RAW and MI5 may be involved in far greater and more detrimental clandestine activities in the region or at the global level to advance the so called national interests of their respective countries.
Another point of contention is the political role of the ISI in the country and the saga of missing persons. Whereas the political cell was established during Mr Bhuttos tenure, it has taken a part of ISIs valuable resources away from its primary role and has become involved in domestic politics. Not only is the existence of this cell a gross violation of democratic norms and immoral but it is also unfair to the organisation. The cell should be withdrawn through a government administrative order and Gazette notification.
Several countries, on a half-yearly or annual basis, issue intelligence estimates or security assessment statements for the benefit of the general public. This practice, apart from informing the public of the security situation and potential threats facing the country, acts as a good confidence building measure and improves rapport with the public.
Surely, the image of ISI abroad and within the country and Pakistans efforts at strengthening its security can improve if these institutional and administrative changes are introduced.
The writer is a retired Lieutenant General of the Pakistan Army. He can be reached at talat@comsats.net.pk
Daily Times - Leading News Resource of Pakistan