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A Blood Stained Jihad
M J Akbar
Massacre of children result of rampant fanaticism in a Pakistan at war with modernity
M J Akbar
Massacre of children result of rampant fanaticism in a Pakistan at war with modernity
What kind of mind believes that it can ascend to paradise from the graves of 132 innocent schoolchildren?
The same mindset that kills at least 150 women, many pregnant, because they refuse to become sexual slaves in the Iraqi province of Al Anbar. At around the same time that a suicide mission from Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) shook the soul of Pakistan and the world, a barbarian named Abu Anas al Libi executed these women, according to a report by the Turkish Anadolu Agency, “because they refused to accept jihad marriage“.
A similar mental aberration persuades Sunni fanatics to practise takfir, which declares many fellow Muslims “unbelievers“, or kafirs, and therefore worthy of death. This is why thugs from groups like Sipah e Sahaba Pakistan massacre Shias, making Pakistan the most dangerous country for those who recognise Hazrat Ali as the first imam after the Prophet.
The fact that the acknowledged founder of Pakistan Mohammad Ali Jinnah was a Shia is kept hidden from public discourse, as are other aspects of his westernised personal lifestyle, including his preference for moderate levels of alcohol.
West of the Indus and the Afghanistan border has already become the Taliban jihad space or space for Baluch secessionists. Now a direct challenge has been mounted against the entrenched Pakistan establishment, the army , which by its very barbaric nature signals the start of a battle for carving out an ISIS-like space.
The ideological fountainhead of TTP, which has claimed public ownership of the Peshawar massacre of children, is Jamaat-e-Islami, and its subsets like Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (Fazlur Rahman faction). The parent organisations take care to maintain a certain distance from their jihad machines, to sustain thin deniability; but it is their madrassas which turn out the assembly-line supply of suicide missionaries in pursuit of different targets.
Broadly, the Islamic jihad has defined its foes in three categories: the far enemy, principally America; the near enemy, or those domestic institutions or forces who prevent the creation of a sharia state at home; and countries like India, China (in Xinjiang) and Russia (in Central Asia), which have occupied “Islamic space“.Sometimes this loose, international confederation of jihadists cooperates; more often, they travel in their own direction.
From the inception of Pakistan, Jamaat-e-Islami has posed a simple question: since Pakistan was created in the name of Islam, why is it not a fully Islamic, sharia compliant state? Every Pakistan president and prime minister has fudged the answer, except one General Zia-ulHaq, who became dictator during the critical decade between 1976 and 1987.Politicians have purchased time through periodic compromise, but have only delayed the doom. Support for theocracy has grown among the people, encouraged surely by the dismal character and governance of their rulers.
Today , there is a subterranean culture where mothers offer sons for martyrdom, confident that not only will he go to heaven but be able to persuade the Almighty to grant paradise to his near and dear ones as well.
TTP believes that the Pakistan army is the only obstacle left. A TTP pamphlet, quoted by Abu Bakr Siddique in his excellent book, The Pashtun Question, says: “With Allah's blessing, the hereafter of the Taliban will be blessed...In this world our ultimate aim of `sharia or martyrdom' is now focused on the destruction of Pakistani rulers and army ...We want to implement the sharia in place of the old Satanic system...Destruction is a prerequisite for (re)construction."
The Pakistan establishment is trapped in two ways. It cannot deny that Pakistan is an Islamic state, and it cannot explain why such a state has “un-Islamic“ characteristics. It does not have the courage to admit the truth, that Islam is a brotherhood and not a nationhood; and that religion cannot be a basis for nationalism. That would mean accepting that the very basis of Pakistan, the two-nation theory, was wrong.
The second is blowback from strategic fallacy. The Pakistan state, and particularly its army, has used faith-based terrorist organisations like Lashkar-e-Taiba and vituperative hatemongers like Hafiz Saeed against India, and the Taliban in Afghanistan. How long can you sup on venom and not become victim to poison?
Pakistan's PM Nawaz Sharif now accepts, at least in the heat of the moment, that there is no good Taliban. But can he hand over Mullah Omar, emir of the Afghan Taliban, who has conducted a long war against Nato and Afghanistan from safe houses in Quetta and Karachi, to Washington or Kabul? Can he extend this logic to a more relevant proposition, that there is no good terrorism or bad terrorism? The ferocity with which every section of the Pakistan state, including the judiciary , continues to protect an internationally recognised terrorist like Saeed speaks for itself.
The conflict between India and Pakistan is not about geography; it is about ideology. India is a modern state which believes in democracy, faith freedom, gender equality and economic equity. Pakistan is a theocratic concept, being torn apart by genetic contradictions. It had the potential, in 1947, to become a model for the post-colonial Muslim world; instead, its inability to come to terms with modernity has dragged it into a swamp of blood.
Two Pakistanis have won the Nobel prize: Abdus Salam, for physics; and Malala Yousafzai, for heroic courage. Both found honour abroad and despair at home. Salam was subject to takfir. Malala is a child in the crosshairs of faith fanatics.
MJ Akbar
A well written article by MJ Akbar. What do you think?