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Turkish state heads for destruction along with its institutions and established rules

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Turkish state heads for destruction along with its institutions and established rules

May 22, 2019 will be remembered as another black day in the judicial and political history of Turkey. It is the latest of many.

This was the day that the Supreme Electoral Council (YSK) published its detailed ruling for the May 6 decision to annul and rerun the March 31 Istanbul mayoral election.

That the annulment, coming during a period of deepening systemic crisis in Turkey, was a “civil coup” is beyond dispute, as opposition parties have expressed in various ways.

Not only the Turkish opposition, but also respected and objective legal experts in Turkey have described the YSK’s 250-page justification a scandalous text. The dissenting opinion of YSK chief Sadi Güven, one of four YSK judges to oppose the annulment, clearly demonstrates the invalidity of the decision the council reached.

“Objections raised to balloting committees after those committees have been established cannot be presented on their own as a reason to annul elections which have been held”, Güven’s statement reads.

He added that it was impossible to agree with the decision to annul the election on the grounds that polling officials had been appointed against regulations stating they had to be public officials, since each ballot committee also consisted of representatives from political parties. He also said that the faulty paperwork cited in the detailed reasoning did not justify cancelling the election since it had not indicated any discrepancy in the vote count.

A careful reading of the entire detailed ruling reveals a simple fact:

Any irregularities discovered were on a small scale, and did not warrant the annulment of the election.

Hours before the YSK’s decision came another crucial ruling, this time from Turkey’s Constitutional Court.

The Turkish businessman and civil society leader Osman Kavala, jailed for roughly 600 days after being detained in October 2017 and later charged with “attempting to overthrow the Turkish government”, had appealed to the court for release on the grounds that his prolonged imprisonment pending trial breached his fundamental rights to freedom and security.

After almost two years without considering his appeal, the court decided to bring Kavala’s case file to its Plenary Assembly on April 3, 2019. The opinion set down in the court’s rapporteur’s report was that the businessman’s rights had been infringed upon.

Yet on May 22, his appeal was rejected by a majority vote from the Constitutional Court.

The court has not released the detailed reasoning for its decision, and we may not see it for a long time.

But the following is already clear:

The Kavala decision is a legal scandal of the utmost gravity, as were the decisions to continue the detention of Selahattin Demirtaş, the jailed former co-chair of the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), and journalists Ahmet Altan and Nazlı Ilıcak.

Respected legal experts have said the decision will mark the date when Turkey’s Constitutional Court abrogated its duty to monitor and guarantee the rights of Turkish citizens.

The ruling not only contradicts previous decisions of the court to uphold rights and freedoms, it has also, by its disregard for the European Convention for Human Rights, which Turkey is a signatory of, contravened the 90th article in the Turkish constitution. That article stipulates that international treaties including the convention take precedence over Turkey’s domestic legislation.

In short, the ruling shows that the court has acted contrary to its obligations, taking the side of the state against the individual and proving itself subject to political power.

These two scandalous decisions announced in the Republic of Turkey on May 22 are an expression of the pitch blackness the country has been dragged into. The country’s highest court, just likes the lower courts, has lost its independence, and state institutions like the YSK have lost the autonomy required to function correctly.

The situation becomes graver with each passing day. The damage of what has taken place will not be limited to these arbitrary decisions alone. The direction Turkey is taking is one that sees the state progressively rotting from within and makes it increasingly difficult to remedy the destruction wrought on trust and peace in society. Every institution and law in the country is being crushed beneath this avalanche.

The oppressed minority will finally be free. Turkey will be like Yugoslavia. US led strikes will protect the minorities once the state collapses.
 
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Turkey Is Hungry for War With Cyprus

When Berat Albayrak, Turkey’s finance minister and the son-in-law of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, announced on May 12 that his country would soon send a drill ship to exploit natural gas resources in an area widely considered to belong to Cyprus, it was tempting to write off the incident as just another harmless flare-up in the decadeslong territorial disputes in the Eastern Mediterranean. Periodically stoking tensions with Greece and Cyprus has always been a part of Turkish foreign-policy strategy.

This time is far more dangerous, however, because there are signs Turkey might be ready to escalate its confrontation beyond mere rhetoric. Albayrak’s announcement came a day before Turkey held Sea Wolf, its largest annual naval exercise in the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean. Then, on May 15, Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu reiterated the country’s intention to buy the S-400 missile system from Russia. And throughout this period, Turkish jets have been violating Greek airspace almost daily.

The S-400 purchase has been a source of tension on its own. The United States and NATO believe that the missile system, once plugged into Turkey’s radar network, will give Russian systems access to sensitive NATO data—potentially making it easier, for instance, for Moscow to detect the F-35s that Turkey has been looking to procure from the West. Turkey claims those concerns are overblown, but that hasn’t stopped Washington from threatening Ankara with removal from the F-35 purchasing program and further sanctions.

All this, again, could be seen simply as part of the generally problematic relationship between Turkey and the West following the events of the Gezi Park protests and the escalation of the war in Syria, when Erdogan began consolidating power at home almost six years ago. But recent local elections in Istanbul—in which Erdogan lost the city he considers his seat of power—have clearly spooked the once unshakeable strongman, causing him to overreach and force a rerun. This looks likely to backfire, with opposition parties withdrawing their candidates and throwing their support behind the Republican People’s Party’s Ekrem Imamoglu, who was the winner of the first round.

This comes amid an economy in decline, as reflected in the price of the Turkish lira, and grumbling about Erdogan inside his own party. The frosty reception the president got when he visited Turkey-aligned Northern Cyprus last year also didn’t help his standing at home.

These are developments that Erdogan was clearly not ready for. Turks may ultimately benefit from their autocratic president’s sudden weakening. But as far as international politics go, the effects are far more ambiguous. History suggests that leaders who are losing their grip on power have incentives to organize a show of strength and unite their base behind an imminent foreign threat. Erdogan has every reason to create hostilities with Greece—Turkey’s traditional adversary and Cyprus’s ally— to distract from his problems at home.

This wouldn’t come out of nowhere. Turkey has never allowed Cyprus to benefit from the natural gas reserves in its waters without some sort of confrontation. In that sense, Turkey’s strategy in the Aegean Sea has been consistent for many decades now: apply pressure, put forth demands, wait for a crisis, and then bring the other side to the table on your own terms. This is precisely what it’s trying to do in Cyprus right now. “What is developing before our eyes is a systematic strategy engineered by Turkey to bring into question the status quo in the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean regions,” wrote Alexis Papachelas, one of Greece’s most senior and well-respected journalists, in his column on May 15. “All evidence points to a climax in tensions next autumn.”

It’s hard to say what the limits of the current confrontation might be. The present conditions make for a dangerous mix. Erdogan has steadily moved Turkey away from the Western institutions it belongs to (NATO) and the ones it once aspired to be a part of (the European Union) and closer to Russia as he attempts to portray himself as a regional leader in the Middle East. Meanwhile, Cyprus and Greece are both members in good standing of the EU. Indeed, Greece has moved closer to the United States and NATO than it has at any time in the past four decades. Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras has promoted stronger ties with both Israel and Egypt, Cyprus’s partners in its natural gas ventures.

Europe has an important role to play in deterring a conflict. The EU’s foreign policy chief, Federica Mogherini, has expressed “great concern” over Turkey’s plans. “We call urgently on Turkey to show restraint, respect the sovereign rights of Cyprus in its exclusive economic zone and refrain from any such illegal action to which the EU will respond appropriately and in full solidarity with Cyprus,” she said last week, while in January, French President Emmanuel Macron had said that France supports Cyprus’ right to gas deposits off its coast, despite Turkey’s objections. The EU’s current approach to protecting its borders, however, is unlikely to be enough to deter Erdogan.

There are broader geopolitical stakes for Europe. In case of an escalation, including any sort of military conflict, wavering by Cyprus’s and Greece’s allies will invalidate the choices made by the two EU members to strengthen their ties with the West and create further doubt about NATO’s effectiveness.

None of this is to suggest that the EU has always handled Turkey and Erdogan as well as it could have, or that Greece, Cyprus, and Israel haven’t made decisions of their own that have raised tensions in the region. But those arguments are not relevant to the present situation. The road map Erdogan is following is of his own creation, as are the seeds of his troubles. In responding to his provocations, Europe must now take a levelheaded but firm approach, one that leaves no room for doubt that Cyprus and Greece have allies on their side. That will do more to dissuade an escalation than any attempt to appease a troubled Erdogan with concessions.

Europe, Russia, USA and China will come to the defense of Greece and help Greece take back Constantinople!
 
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Their country their rules..
As a UNSC Permanent 5 member, China has a duty to preserve world peace and stability. Turkey is on the verge of military aggression against Greece and collapse -- sending Turkish refugees to Afghanistan and Bangladesh for food and security. International intervention and regime change through a UN action will be on the table.
 
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As a UNSC Permanent 5 member, China has a duty to preserve world peace and stability. Turkey is on the verge of military aggression against and collapse -- sending Turkish refugees to Afghanistan and Bangladesh for food and security. International intervention and regime change through a UN action will be on the table.
@Oscar @Dubious @cabatli_53 This forum should not used for this kind of crap.
 
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You Chinese can join with Cyprus if you want.... We can turn you in chinese dumplings and dump you in the mediterranean sea...:-)
 
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Turkey Is Hungry for War With Cyprus

When Berat Albayrak, Turkey’s finance minister and the son-in-law of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, announced on May 12 that his country would soon send a drill ship to exploit natural gas resources in an area widely considered to belong to Cyprus, it was tempting to write off the incident as just another harmless flare-up in the decadeslong territorial disputes in the Eastern Mediterranean. Periodically stoking tensions with Greece and Cyprus has always been a part of Turkish foreign-policy strategy.

This time is far more dangerous, however, because there are signs Turkey might be ready to escalate its confrontation beyond mere rhetoric. Albayrak’s announcement came a day before Turkey held Sea Wolf, its largest annual naval exercise in the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean. Then, on May 15, Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu reiterated the country’s intention to buy the S-400 missile system from Russia. And throughout this period, Turkish jets have been violating Greek airspace almost daily.

The S-400 purchase has been a source of tension on its own. The United States and NATO believe that the missile system, once plugged into Turkey’s radar network, will give Russian systems access to sensitive NATO data—potentially making it easier, for instance, for Moscow to detect the F-35s that Turkey has been looking to procure from the West. Turkey claims those concerns are overblown, but that hasn’t stopped Washington from threatening Ankara with removal from the F-35 purchasing program and further sanctions.

All this, again, could be seen simply as part of the generally problematic relationship between Turkey and the West following the events of the Gezi Park protests and the escalation of the war in Syria, when Erdogan began consolidating power at home almost six years ago. But recent local elections in Istanbul—in which Erdogan lost the city he considers his seat of power—have clearly spooked the once unshakeable strongman, causing him to overreach and force a rerun. This looks likely to backfire, with opposition parties withdrawing their candidates and throwing their support behind the Republican People’s Party’s Ekrem Imamoglu, who was the winner of the first round.

This comes amid an economy in decline, as reflected in the price of the Turkish lira, and grumbling about Erdogan inside his own party. The frosty reception the president got when he visited Turkey-aligned Northern Cyprus last year also didn’t help his standing at home.

These are developments that Erdogan was clearly not ready for. Turks may ultimately benefit from their autocratic president’s sudden weakening. But as far as international politics go, the effects are far more ambiguous. History suggests that leaders who are losing their grip on power have incentives to organize a show of strength and unite their base behind an imminent foreign threat. Erdogan has every reason to create hostilities with Greece—Turkey’s traditional adversary and Cyprus’s ally— to distract from his problems at home.

This wouldn’t come out of nowhere. Turkey has never allowed Cyprus to benefit from the natural gas reserves in its waters without some sort of confrontation. In that sense, Turkey’s strategy in the Aegean Sea has been consistent for many decades now: apply pressure, put forth demands, wait for a crisis, and then bring the other side to the table on your own terms. This is precisely what it’s trying to do in Cyprus right now. “What is developing before our eyes is a systematic strategy engineered by Turkey to bring into question the status quo in the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean regions,” wrote Alexis Papachelas, one of Greece’s most senior and well-respected journalists, in his column on May 15. “All evidence points to a climax in tensions next autumn.”

It’s hard to say what the limits of the current confrontation might be. The present conditions make for a dangerous mix. Erdogan has steadily moved Turkey away from the Western institutions it belongs to (NATO) and the ones it once aspired to be a part of (the European Union) and closer to Russia as he attempts to portray himself as a regional leader in the Middle East. Meanwhile, Cyprus and Greece are both members in good standing of the EU. Indeed, Greece has moved closer to the United States and NATO than it has at any time in the past four decades. Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras has promoted stronger ties with both Israel and Egypt, Cyprus’s partners in its natural gas ventures.

Europe has an important role to play in deterring a conflict. The EU’s foreign policy chief, Federica Mogherini, has expressed “great concern” over Turkey’s plans. “We call urgently on Turkey to show restraint, respect the sovereign rights of Cyprus in its exclusive economic zone and refrain from any such illegal action to which the EU will respond appropriately and in full solidarity with Cyprus,” she said last week, while in January, French President Emmanuel Macron had said that France supports Cyprus’ right to gas deposits off its coast, despite Turkey’s objections. The EU’s current approach to protecting its borders, however, is unlikely to be enough to deter Erdogan.

There are broader geopolitical stakes for Europe. In case of an escalation, including any sort of military conflict, wavering by Cyprus’s and Greece’s allies will invalidate the choices made by the two EU members to strengthen their ties with the West and create further doubt about NATO’s effectiveness.

None of this is to suggest that the EU has always handled Turkey and Erdogan as well as it could have, or that Greece, Cyprus, and Israel haven’t made decisions of their own that have raised tensions in the region. But those arguments are not relevant to the present situation. The road map Erdogan is following is of his own creation, as are the seeds of his troubles. In responding to his provocations, Europe must now take a levelheaded but firm approach, one that leaves no room for doubt that Cyprus and Greece have allies on their side. That will do more to dissuade an escalation than any attempt to appease a troubled Erdogan with concessions.

Europe, Russia, USA and China will come to the defense of Greece and help Greece take back Constantinople!

Just sounds similar to the situation in South China Sea. China like Turkey are the biggest countries in their respective waters
 
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If you won't ban these trolls, they will keep trolling.
I am afraid mods of Pdf encourage 'em.
 
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If you won't ban these trolls, they will keep trolling.
I am afraid mods of Pdf encourage 'em.
You are de-railing the thread. Reported.

The topic is Turkey's attack on Cyprus / Greece, collapse and balkanization. Discuss.
 
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As a UNSC Permanent 5 member, China has a duty to preserve world peace and stability. Turkey is on the verge of military aggression against Greece and collapse -- sending Turkish refugees to Afghanistan and Bangladesh for food and security. International intervention and regime change through a UN action will be on the table.
wooo there Sonny don't go full troll I know there's some issues between the two countries but nothing significant
besides that middle East bulkan area is in USA Dominion and turkey important part of it's NATO u guys have little influence there so don't run yr horse so fast that the saddle comes off
besides China ain't a democracy so won't take yr advise ;)

interesting thing is there isn't that much beef between Chinese and Turkish government they do criticize some policy of each other as does west and vice versa
but some net trolls blow it like Pak India level state rivalry is this modern form of some ethinic historical tension between Huns and turkic people ??
what ever it is should be kept to troll sites not PDF discussion
 
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Western claims about Cyprus's territorial claims are as legitimate as South China Sea disputes which they sail their ships through.
Just sounds similar to the situation in South China Sea. China like Turkey are the biggest countries in their respective waters
The UN Security Council condemned Turkish aggression against Cyprus.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Nations_Security_Council_Resolution_550

China is a UNSC Permanent 5 member. We condemned Turkey for its aggression against its neighbors and we are responsible for showing Turkey the consequences.
 
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