Saturday, March 03, 2007
Russiaââ¬â¢s illiberal ââ¬ËLiberal Empireââ¬â¢
By Vladimer Papava
To strengthen Russiaââ¬â¢s political influence over Georgiaââ¬â¢s separatist regions, Gazprom, without taking the trouble to ask for permission from Georgiaââ¬â¢s democratically elected leaders, has begun constructing a gas pipeline connecting Russia and South Ossetia directly
Across the West, many people are questioning whether Russia will continue using natural gas as a means of putting economic and political pressure on Ukraine, Georgia, and other countries in what the Kremlin regards as its ââ¬Ënear abroadââ¬â¢. Using the ââ¬Ëenergy weaponââ¬â¢, however, is not just a tactic: it is at the heart of the prevailing doctrine guiding Russian foreign policy.
Russiaââ¬â¢s policy toward the post-Soviet countries is based on the doctrine of a ââ¬Ëliberal empireââ¬â¢, according to which Russiaââ¬â¢s major government-owned and private companies should assume control of key economic entities across the territories of the former Soviet republics by acquiring their assets. In this context, the word ââ¬Ëliberalââ¬â¢ should be understood to suggest that the empire of the ââ¬Ënew Russian dreamââ¬â¢ should be built by purely economic means, excluding all forcible action against other nations.
Naturally, the key role in this model is given to the supply of energy to the post-Soviet countries. In particular, the Russian utility giant Gazprom uses increases in gas prices as a means to punish ââ¬Ëdisobedientââ¬â¢ neighbours. Ukraine was punished in this way for its eagerness to integrate with the West following the Orange Revolution. However, after the return of the pro-Russian Victor Yanukovich to the position of Ukrainian prime minister, the countryââ¬â¢s pro-Western orientation has been significantly weakened. So it should be no surprise that Ukraine under Yanukovich has faced no further problems with the supply of Russian gas.
But Georgia remains a major Kremlin-Gazprom target. Russiaââ¬â¢s attempt to drag Georgia into its imperial net started in the summer of 2003, when the Russian power monopoly United Energy System took control of 75 percent of Georgiaââ¬â¢s electricity network. After the Rose Revolution of November 2003, Russian companies turned out to be the most avid purchasers of Georgian enterprises and their assets.
The first significant obstacle in the way of Russiaââ¬â¢s designs on Georgia was intervention by the US, which demanded that the Georgian government drop negotiations with Gazprom and banned Georgia from selling the gas pipeline that connects Russia and Armenia through Georgian territory. Russia punished Georgia almost immediately, banning the import of Georgian wines and mineral waters ââ¬â both of which are key export goods.
As Georgiaââ¬â¢s prospects of joining NATO seemed to increase, Russian actions became more illiberal. Ethnic Georgians living in Russia, including those who are Russian citizens, became targets of persecution.
Russiaââ¬â¢s actions are aimed at fomenting an anti-government backlash in Georgia, thereby paving the way for pro-Russian political forces to come to power. But the illiberalism inherent in Russian imperialism is not limited to recent behaviour, and, more disturbingly, it extends to the question of Georgiaââ¬â¢s territorial integrity, as Russian troops continue to prop up secessionist regions.
By provoking ethnic conflicts in the territories of former Soviet republics, Moscow hopes to keep them under its control and influence. Ironically, the Russian troops deployed in the renegade Georgian regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia have been accorded the status of ââ¬Ëpeacekeepersââ¬â¢, but they are really illegal occupiers, as Russiaââ¬â¢s decision to give Russian passports to these regionsââ¬â¢ residents attests.
Now Russia is threatening to recognise the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia if the West recognises the Serbian province of Kosovo as an independent nation. To the extent that most of the residents of Abkhazia and South Ossetia have already been given Russian citizenship, the recognition of those two regionsââ¬â¢ sovereignty would be entirely fictitious and, in fact, an interim measure on the way to their full annexation by Russia.
To strengthen Russiaââ¬â¢s political influence over Georgiaââ¬â¢s separatist regions, Gazprom, without taking the trouble to ask for permission from Georgiaââ¬â¢s democratically elected leaders, has begun constructing a gas pipeline connecting Russia and South Ossetia directly. Although there was no interruption of gas supply from Tbilisi to South Ossetia, this step is necessary for the Kremlin to ensure even greater integration of this Georgian region into Russiaââ¬â¢s economic system.
With Gazprom having already doubled gas tariffs for Georgia, the energy noose is tightening. But, thanks to gas supplies from neighbouring Azerbaijan, Georgia has not yet been strangled.
A revived Russian empire, whether it is constructed by force or through economic coercion, is not in anyoneââ¬â¢s interests. Reigning in Russiaââ¬â¢s illiberal ââ¬Ëliberal empireââ¬â¢ is the central question of European security today. ââ¬âDT-PS
Vladimer Papava, a former Minister of Economy of the Republic of Georgia, is a Senior Fellow at the Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies and author of Necroeconomics, a study of post-Communist economic problems
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2007\03\03\story_3-3-2007_pg3_6
Russiaââ¬â¢s illiberal ââ¬ËLiberal Empireââ¬â¢
By Vladimer Papava
To strengthen Russiaââ¬â¢s political influence over Georgiaââ¬â¢s separatist regions, Gazprom, without taking the trouble to ask for permission from Georgiaââ¬â¢s democratically elected leaders, has begun constructing a gas pipeline connecting Russia and South Ossetia directly
Across the West, many people are questioning whether Russia will continue using natural gas as a means of putting economic and political pressure on Ukraine, Georgia, and other countries in what the Kremlin regards as its ââ¬Ënear abroadââ¬â¢. Using the ââ¬Ëenergy weaponââ¬â¢, however, is not just a tactic: it is at the heart of the prevailing doctrine guiding Russian foreign policy.
Russiaââ¬â¢s policy toward the post-Soviet countries is based on the doctrine of a ââ¬Ëliberal empireââ¬â¢, according to which Russiaââ¬â¢s major government-owned and private companies should assume control of key economic entities across the territories of the former Soviet republics by acquiring their assets. In this context, the word ââ¬Ëliberalââ¬â¢ should be understood to suggest that the empire of the ââ¬Ënew Russian dreamââ¬â¢ should be built by purely economic means, excluding all forcible action against other nations.
Naturally, the key role in this model is given to the supply of energy to the post-Soviet countries. In particular, the Russian utility giant Gazprom uses increases in gas prices as a means to punish ââ¬Ëdisobedientââ¬â¢ neighbours. Ukraine was punished in this way for its eagerness to integrate with the West following the Orange Revolution. However, after the return of the pro-Russian Victor Yanukovich to the position of Ukrainian prime minister, the countryââ¬â¢s pro-Western orientation has been significantly weakened. So it should be no surprise that Ukraine under Yanukovich has faced no further problems with the supply of Russian gas.
But Georgia remains a major Kremlin-Gazprom target. Russiaââ¬â¢s attempt to drag Georgia into its imperial net started in the summer of 2003, when the Russian power monopoly United Energy System took control of 75 percent of Georgiaââ¬â¢s electricity network. After the Rose Revolution of November 2003, Russian companies turned out to be the most avid purchasers of Georgian enterprises and their assets.
The first significant obstacle in the way of Russiaââ¬â¢s designs on Georgia was intervention by the US, which demanded that the Georgian government drop negotiations with Gazprom and banned Georgia from selling the gas pipeline that connects Russia and Armenia through Georgian territory. Russia punished Georgia almost immediately, banning the import of Georgian wines and mineral waters ââ¬â both of which are key export goods.
As Georgiaââ¬â¢s prospects of joining NATO seemed to increase, Russian actions became more illiberal. Ethnic Georgians living in Russia, including those who are Russian citizens, became targets of persecution.
Russiaââ¬â¢s actions are aimed at fomenting an anti-government backlash in Georgia, thereby paving the way for pro-Russian political forces to come to power. But the illiberalism inherent in Russian imperialism is not limited to recent behaviour, and, more disturbingly, it extends to the question of Georgiaââ¬â¢s territorial integrity, as Russian troops continue to prop up secessionist regions.
By provoking ethnic conflicts in the territories of former Soviet republics, Moscow hopes to keep them under its control and influence. Ironically, the Russian troops deployed in the renegade Georgian regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia have been accorded the status of ââ¬Ëpeacekeepersââ¬â¢, but they are really illegal occupiers, as Russiaââ¬â¢s decision to give Russian passports to these regionsââ¬â¢ residents attests.
Now Russia is threatening to recognise the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia if the West recognises the Serbian province of Kosovo as an independent nation. To the extent that most of the residents of Abkhazia and South Ossetia have already been given Russian citizenship, the recognition of those two regionsââ¬â¢ sovereignty would be entirely fictitious and, in fact, an interim measure on the way to their full annexation by Russia.
To strengthen Russiaââ¬â¢s political influence over Georgiaââ¬â¢s separatist regions, Gazprom, without taking the trouble to ask for permission from Georgiaââ¬â¢s democratically elected leaders, has begun constructing a gas pipeline connecting Russia and South Ossetia directly. Although there was no interruption of gas supply from Tbilisi to South Ossetia, this step is necessary for the Kremlin to ensure even greater integration of this Georgian region into Russiaââ¬â¢s economic system.
With Gazprom having already doubled gas tariffs for Georgia, the energy noose is tightening. But, thanks to gas supplies from neighbouring Azerbaijan, Georgia has not yet been strangled.
A revived Russian empire, whether it is constructed by force or through economic coercion, is not in anyoneââ¬â¢s interests. Reigning in Russiaââ¬â¢s illiberal ââ¬Ëliberal empireââ¬â¢ is the central question of European security today. ââ¬âDT-PS
Vladimer Papava, a former Minister of Economy of the Republic of Georgia, is a Senior Fellow at the Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies and author of Necroeconomics, a study of post-Communist economic problems
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2007\03\03\story_3-3-2007_pg3_6