Reflections of a loser —Munir Attaullah

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comment: Reflections of a loser —Munir Attaullah

The people have been led to believe a new era of adl-o-insaf is around the corner that will also be cheap, expeditious, and ghareeb awam-friendly. The reality is that justice, excepting the Taliban variety, nowhere in a modern complex society, can ever be cheap or expeditious, more or less by definition

Growing up in my teens, I learnt much, both consciously and subliminally, from my father. To deal with a then cocky, Mr Know-all of a son (detractors will say I have not changed much since), who disagreed with him on many an issue, could not have been easy. For he was a man of high and austere moral principle; and such people usually tend to be pretty inflexible in their thinking.

But he handled these disagreements with great common sense and large doses of tolerance. It was mostly reasoned argument and gentle persuasion, rather than gruff displeasure and aloof diktat. That approach encouraged self-appraisal of one’s own stance. And it was a valuable lesson on how to soften, mitigate, and hence gracefully survive even unbridgeable differences of opinion. A man of no mean intelligence, he instinctively thought in terms of the positives of a given situation.

Nor, for a parent, did he often succumb to the powerful temptation of offering unsolicited advice. And, even when asked, he would usually do so only obliquely, mostly through analogy and by engaging you in a two-way discussion. I offer you but just one typical example of the many I remember of what I mean by all the above.

My father had just bought a new car when I was about fourteen and keen on learning how to drive. One summer afternoon, as everyone was resting, I sneakily purloined the keys of the car, planning on some practice in the broad and ample driveway. But, in backing out of the narrow garage, I badly scratched one side of the car. Sheepishly, I confessed my demeanour as the family gathered at teatime.

Mother was naturally upset and angry, and proceeded to scold me at length on how it would cost thousands of rupees to repair the damage, and on my generally irresponsible behaviour etc. etc. She then turned to my father (who had listened to the tirade quietly) and said, “Why don’t you also say something and knock some sense into this stupid boy?”

Father laughed, and said lovingly to my mother, “Actually, you should be happy, not angry, that he has had this accident. Think of it this way: The lessons he will draw for himself from this accident have been cheaply bought: just a few thousand rupees. Without this early accident as a salutary warning, his self confidence would likely have, in due course, led to him having a much more serious first accident. And that might have cost a life or a limb”

The argument left mother spluttering of course, but it was impossible even for her to suppress a bemused smile. Everyone else laughed, the tension dissipated, and an un-bruised (and, therefore, receptive) ego was left to draw some valuable conclusions. For one thing, will it surprise you to know that, as a careful and rule abiding driver ever since, I have never had a car accident in more than 50 years of driving?

If by now you think today’s column is about my father, you are mistaken. For, what I actually want to discuss are some random thoughts on the events of the last fortnight surrounding the Long March. So why do I start with a lengthy digression?

Here is a hint: the preamble has the same relevance to what you are about to read as the ‘Objectives Resolution’ has for our Constitution. And if that sounds suitably mystifying, that’s as should be. Anything worth saying should never be said with such clarity as to leave no room for different parties not to find a suitable interpretation that suits their particular purpose.

For, readers will no doubt remember — and some gleefully so — that I have ended up being comprehensively on the losing side of the divide on an issue that aroused so much passion in so many. Did I not argue many a time in these columns that, for all the gross injustice done by the ex-President to CJ Chaudhry and his colleagues, forcing a restoration to the status quo ante through a long drawn-out political agitation on the streets was to both focus on the wrong issue and adopt the wrong methods? Did I not also argue against being overly enamoured of judicial activism as a valuable tool in fighting many a social and political evil?

Such exhortations for restraint were drowned in a flood of public political passion. If the people reject your viewpoint then, to a large extent, it is irrelevant whether you were right or wrong. The sensible thing to do is to respect and accept that decision whatever be one’s private misgivings. For every such stumble can also be an occasion to re-assess strengths and weaknesses and be guided thereby; and every such setback treated as an opportunity to advance, but in a more sure-footed manner. The deed is done; and what is done cannot be undone. But, can everyone now, suitably chastened, please move on?

For, with passion spent, there is every reason to fear that what happened on the Ides of March may not be the end of a story but simply the prelude to a new chapter in our history of political confrontation, infighting, and turmoil. The fractious lot that we are — always on the lookout to teach someone a lesson, seek revenge, and extract the very last ounce of our presumed rightful pound of flesh — who will bet that the protagonists, both the victorious and the humbled, will do anything other than draw only those conclusions that suit them from all that has transpired?

The legal fraternity itself faces the toughest challenge to its future thinking and conduct. What will it now do, without an external one-point agenda to focus its energies upon? The people have been led to believe a new era of adl-o-insaf is around the corner that will also be cheap, expeditious, and ghareeb awam-friendly. The reality is that justice, excepting the Taliban variety, nowhere in a modern complex society, can ever be cheap or expeditious, more or less by definition. Nor is the suo moto jurisdiction the great answer to every bit of injustice.

As for the SC, it is now likely to be flooded by a spate of constitutional petitions of one sort or another, seeking judicial resolution of essentially political disputes. Is a trial of the ex-president for his ‘misdeeds’, and the re-opening of the NRO issue, really the way forward?

The PMLN, having tasted blood, is even more unlikely now to opt for the politics of conciliation rather than confrontation. And why should it? Is there not further political mileage to be gained by agitating over the 17th amendment and targeting the President and the Punjab Governor?

As for the media, the already smug self-righteousness (as the “authentic voice of the people”) of many a leading personality therein, will surely have received a not insubstantial confirmatory ego boost by the success of their stellar role in forcing an eventual climb down by the government. Don’t expect modesty in their future oracular activity.

The writer is a businessman. A selection of his columns is now available in book form. Visit munirattaullah.com

Daily Times - Leading News Resource of Pakistan

 

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April 14, 2009
Insurgents Make Inroads in Key Pakistan Province
By SABRINA TAVERNISE, RICHARD A. OPPEL Jr. and ERIC SCHMITT
This article was reported by Sabrina Tavernise, Richard A. Oppel Jr. and Eric Schmitt and written by Ms. Tavernise.

DERA GHAZI KHAN, Pakistan — Taliban insurgents are teaming up with local militant groups to make inroads in Punjab, the province that is home to more than half of Pakistanis, reinvigorating an alliance that Pakistani and American authorities say poses a serious risk to the stability of the country.

The deadly assault in March in Lahore, Punjab’s capital, against the Sri Lankan cricket team, and the bombing last fall of the Marriott Hotel in Islamabad, the national capital, were only the most spectacular examples of the joint campaign, they said.

Now police officials, local residents and analysts warn that if the government does not take decisive action, these dusty, impoverished fringes of Punjab could be the next areas facing the insurgency. American intelligence and counterterrorism officials also said they viewed the developments with alarm.

“I don’t think a lot of people understand the gravity of the issue,” said a senior police official in Punjab, who declined to be idenfitied because he was discussing threats to the state. “If you want to destabilize Pakistan, you have to destabilize Punjab.”

As American drone attacks disrupt strongholds of the Taliban and Al Qaeda in the tribal areas, the insurgents are striking deeper into Pakistan — both in retaliation and in search of new havens.

Tell-tale signs of creeping militancy abound in a belt of towns and villages near here that a reporter visited last week. Militants have gained strength considerably in the district of Dera Ghazi Khan, which is a gateway both to Taliban-controlled areas and the heart of Punjab, police and local residents say. Many were terrified.

Some villages, just north of here, are so deeply infiltrated by militants that they are already considered no-go zones by their neighbors.

In at least five towns in southern and western Punjab, including the midsize hub of Multan, barber shops, music stores and Internet cafes offensive to the militants’ strict interpretation of Islam have received threats. Traditional ceremonies that include drumming and dancing have been halted in some areas. Hard-line ideologues have addressed large crowds to push their idea of Islamic revolution. Sectarian attacks, dormant here since the 1990s, have erupted once again.

“It’s going from bad to worse,” said a senior police official in Dera Ghazi Khan. “They are now more active. These are the facts.”

American officials agreed. Bruce Riedel, who led the Obama administration’s recently completed strategy review of Pakistan and Afghanistan, said the Taliban now had “extensive links into the Punjab.”

“You are seeing more of a coalescence of these militant groups,” said Mr. Riedel, a former C.I.A. official. “Connections that have always existed are becoming tighter and more public than they have in the past.”

The Punjabi militant groups have had links with the Taliban, who are mostly Pashtun tribesmen, since the 1980s. Some of the Punjabi groups are veterans of Pakistan’s state-sponsored insurgency against Indian forces in Kashmir. Others made targets of Shiites.

Under pressure from the United States, former President Pervez Musharraf cut back state support for the Punjabi groups. They either went underground or migrated to the tribal areas, where they deepened their ties with the Taliban and Al Qaeda.

At least 20 militants killed in American strikes in the tribal areas since last summer were Punjabi, according to people from the tribal areas and Pakistani officials. One Pakistani security official estimated that 5 percent to 10 percent of militants in the tribal regions could be Punjabi.

The alliance is based on more than shared ideology. “These are tactical alliances,” said a senior American counterterrorism official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to discuss intelligence matters. The Pashtun Taliban and Arab militants, who are part of Al Qaeda, have money, sanctuary, training sites and suicide bombers. The Punjabi militants can provide logistical help in Punjabi cities, like Lahore, including handling bombers and target reconnaissance.

The cooperation between the groups intensified greatly after the government’s siege of Islamic hard-liners at the Red Mosque in Islamabad, in mid-2007, Pakistani and American security officials say. The siege has since become a rallying cry.

One such joint operation, an American security official said, was the Marriott bombing in Islamabad in September, which killed more than 50 people.

As this cooperation intensifies, places like Dera Ghazi Khan are particularly vulnerable. This frontier town is home to a combustible mix of worries: poverty, a growing phalanx of hard-line religious schools and a uranium processing plant that is a part of Pakisitan’s nuclear program.

It is also strategically situated at the intersection of two main roads. One is a main artery into Pakistan’s heartland, in southern Punjab. The other connects Baluchistan Province in the west to the North-West Frontier Province, both Taliban strongholds.

“We are being cornered in a blind alley,” said Mohammed Ali, a local landlord. “We can’t breathe easily.”

Attacks intended to intimidate and sow sectarian strife are more common. The police point to a suicide bombing in Dera Ghazi Khan on Feb. 5. Two local Punjabis, with the help of Taliban backers, orchestrated the attack, which killed 29 people at a Shiite ceremony, the local police said.

The authorities arrested two men as masterminds on April 6: Qari Muhammad Ismail Gul, the leader of a local madrasa; and Ghulam Mustafa Kaisrani, a jihadi who posed as a salesman for a medical company.

They belonged to a banned Punjabi group called Lashkar-i-Jhangvi, but were tied through phone calls to two deputies of the Pakistani Taliban leader Baitullah Mehsud, the police said.

“The phone numbers they call are in Waziristan,” said a police official, referring to the Taliban base in the tribal areas. “They are working together hand in glove.” One of the men had gone for training in Waziristan last summer, the police said. The operations are well-supported. Mr. Kaisrani had several bank transfers worth about $11 million from his Pakistani account, the authorities said.

Local crimes, including at least two recent bank robberies in Dera Ghazi Khan, were also traced to networks of Islamic militants, officials said.

“The money that’s coming in is huge,” said Zulfiqar Hameed, head of investigations for the Lahore Police Department. “When you go back through the chain of the transaction, you invariably find it’s been done for money.”

After the suicide attack here, the police confiscated a 20-minute inspirational video, titled “Revenge,” for the Red Mosque, which gave testimonials from suicide bombers in different cities and post-attack images.

Umme Hassan, the wife of a fiery preacher who was killed during the Red Mosque siege, now frequently travels to south Punjab, to rally the faithful. She has made 12 visits in the past several months before cheering crowds and showing emotional clips of the attack, said a Punjabi official who has been monitoring her visits.

“She claimed that they would bring Islamic revolution in three months,” said Umar Draz, who attended a rally in Muzzafargarh.

The situation in south and west Punjab is still far from that in the Swat Valley, a part of North-West Frontier Province that is now fully under Taliban control after the military agreed to a truce in February. But there are strong parallels.

The Taliban here exploit many of the same weaknesses that have allowed them to expand in other areas: an absent or intimidated police force; a lack of attention from national and provincial leaders; a population steadily cowed by threats, or won over by hard-line mullahs who usurp authority by playing on government neglect and poverty.

In Shadan Lund, a village just north of here, militants are openly demanding Islamic law, or Sharia, said Jan Sher, whose brother is a teacher there. “The situation is sharply going toward Swat,” Mr. Sher said. He and others said the single biggest obstacle to stopping the advance of militancy was the attitudes of Pakistanis themselves, whose fury at the United States has led to blind support for everyone that goes against it.

Shabaz Sharif, the chief minister of Punjab, said he was painfully aware of the problems of insurgent infiltration and was taking steps to restore people’s faith in government, including plans for new schools and hospitals. “Hearts and minds must be won,” he said in an interview Monday. “If this struggle fails, this country has no future.”

But people complain that landowners and local politicians have done nothing to stop the advance and, in some cases, even assist the militants by giving money to some of the religious schools.

“The government is useless,” said Mr. Ali, the local landlord. “They live happy, secure lives in Lahore. Their children study abroad. They only come here to contest elections.”

The police are left alone to stop the advance. But in Punjab, as in much of the rest of Pakistan, they are spread unevenly, with little presence in rural areas. Out of 160,000 police officers in Punjab, fewer than 60,000 are posted in rural areas, leaving frontier stations in districts virtually unprotected, police officials said.

Locals feel helpless. When a 15-year-old boy vanished from a madrasa in a village near here recently — his classmates said to go on jihad — his uncle could not afford to go look for him, let alone confront the powerful men who run the madrasa.

“We are simple people,” the man said. “What can we do?”

Sabrina Tavernise reported from Dera Ghazi Khan, Pakistan; Richard A. Oppel Jr. from Peshawar, Pakistan; and Eric Schmitt from Washington. Mark Mazzetti contributed reporting from Washington, Waqar Gillani from Dera Ghazi Khan, and Pir Zubair Shah from Peshawar.