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NWFP: liberation after MMA?
A terrorist strike on Tuesday in Peshawars CD Market in Nishtarabad damaged 20 shops and wounded 25 innocent people, five of them seriously. The 4-kg bomb was meant to register the pious mans protest against the un-Islamic entertainment of music. In a parallel development, the citys official entertainment centre, the Nishtar Hall, was being refurbished to resume the cultural activities banned by the now-defunct MMA government. False piety could neither stop entertainment nor persuade the terrorists to spare the province. Will the NWFP now regain its old character, after the exit of clerical rule?
After five years ban on culture, the JUIF and Jamaat-e Islami are hardly better placed to win at the level of their win in 2002. By the alliances own assessment, it is not going to win the 70 seats in a house of 124 that it won last time. Now it is estimated that it will win only 35 seats, the bulk of the rest going to the PPP and ANP, both pro-culture in their outlook. The clergy has come a cropper. After coming to power in the province in 2002, the alliance banned all musical and vocal entertainment and successfully tore down all hoardings displaying women in ads. The Jamaat, which tried unsuccessfully to deface ad hoardings in Lahore, was heady with success achieved in Peshawar and the rest of the NWFP.
The MMA banned Peshawars famous theatre at Nishtar Hall and ran all the musicians and singers out of the city. Pride of Performance singer Gulzar Alam and his family faced government-backed persecution in 2003 when 27 police officials forced themselves into their home without arrest warrants and took away Alams three sons and a brother. Earlier, the singer was arrested from a marriage function because of the ban on music put in place by the MMA government. The police also broke his harmonium as a gesture of the inauguration of a clerical utopia.
There was an exodus of entertainers from Peshawar after that. All musicians and makers of musical instruments for centuries part of Pashtun culture either accepted their pauperised new state or ran down to Punjab. The new order was clearly a copy of the Taliban rule in Afghanistan brought to an end in 2001. The intent of the Taliban was clear to the singers of Kabul. Famous vocalist Nashnaass the pride of Kabuls Nauruz festivals whose cassettes in Pashto and Persian were sold in all parts of the Pashtun-dominated regions of Pakistan, decided to leave his homeland and flee to the West.
Strangely, the revolution against entertainment and foreign franchises was spearheaded by the Jamaat and its aggressive Shabab-e Milli youth organisation, while the more pragmatic JUIF sat back and saw itself being upstaged by the more radical Jamaat. This was the forerunner of what was going to follow in the shape of the Hasba Bill. The bill envisaged the formation of a moral police to ensure that all public officials offered their prayers regularly, to force traders to shut their businesses during prayers, and suspend TV channels at prayer times, with no appeal against its summary lashings lying in any court. In its early form, the bill also contained a reference to the duty of looking after the guests (Al Qaeda) residing in Pakistan.
The real casualty of the new Islamisation in the province under the MMA was the economy. It took a steep dive when foreign investors ran out of the NWFP to save their lives. The Hasba Bill obsession of the clergy was mostly responsible for the international organisations misgivings about the provinces economic health. The JUIF leader Maulana Fazlur Rehman did not help much when in 2003 he announced at a public meeting that Aimal Kasi, a self-proclaimed assassin, should be the role model of young Pakistanis. The Peshawar Bar Association upped the ante by taking out a procession with banners warning the United States that Pakistan had nukes it could use against America.
What followed was something that the MMA lived to regret: an Al Qaeda-Taliban onslaught that did not recognise the MMA government as a friend. The government steadily lost territory to the vigilante forces it had unleashed. The chief minister, Akram Durrani, used the mantra of blaming all Al Qaeda terrorism of Baitullah Mehsud on the intelligence agencies of the federal government. All that is gone now. It is quite possible that the JUIF is itself relieved that it is no longer presiding over a shipwreck of governance. It is definitely time for the people of the province to go back to normal life.
The elections in the NWFP are going to be the most crucial ones, IMO, in terms of gaging how much, if at all, Taliban ideology has crept into mainstream Pakistan.
The article presents a hopeful picture though, one of people who have tried, and found sadly wanting, the obscurantist and isolationist ideology of the Mullahs.