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Karzai's offer to the Taliban

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EDITORIAL (November 19 2008): Artfully hidden behind a camouflage of some new 'ifs', Afghan President Hamid Karzai has again invited Taliban leadership to peace parleys. This time he has promised security if Taliban leader Mullah Omar agreed to enter peace talks even if the United States and other western allies, Karzai's protectors and promoters, disagreed.

"If I say I want protection for Mullah Omar, the international community has two choices - remove me or leave if they disagreed", he told reporters in Kabul on Sunday. This is not the first time he has offered peace talks to Taliban leaders. Every time the Isaf forces take a heavy toll of civilian casualties as collateral damage from their raids on suspected militants' positions whenever such an offer surfaces.

As usual, the proviso to the offer is that the Taliban leadership should respect the constitution of the country, which by implication means that his position as president should not be challenged. Mullah Omar never responded to these calls but the spokesmen associated with the Taliban would say yes to the offer, but always, predicated talks on withdrawal of foreign troops. Since that was not acceptable to the Afghan president, peace talks never took place.

Of course, President Karzai made no promise now, but it is the qualitative change in the environment surrounding the Afghan imbroglio that bodes well and places the Afghan president's offer in a positive perspective. He has just returned from Washington after meeting King Abdullah, where President Asif Ali Zardari was also present.

In September, some Taliban leaders had met Afghan and Pakistani officials at an 'Iftar' dinner hosted by the Saudi monarch, kicking off a welter of speculation, suggesting the Kingdom was mediating peace between the warring Afghan parties. Saudi Arabia was one of the three countries - others being UAE and Pakistan - who accorded recognition to the Taliban regime headed by Mullah Omar.

But after the collapse of Taliban regime the Saudis were reluctant to maintain links with it, as they accused the outfit of harbouring al Qaeda. Now that the Taliban is said to be distancing itself from al Qaeda - strengthening the growing impression that al Qaeda has lost its monolithic central command and Osama Bin Laden is no more in control of the entity's widely dispersed elements, there is the revived international interest in mainstreaming the Taliban.

However, the present US administration remains opposed to giving any quarter to Mullah Omar, with Pentagon recently declaring that he cannot be invited to any talks for peace. This position, it appears, is not altogether shared by other coalition partners.

Reports have come to light that at the local level Nato commanders do negotiate with Taliban fighters and sometimes reach agreements resulting in evacuation of the wounded and release of prisoners of wars. Now that the Democrats have won the American presidency, there is the widely held belief that despite President-elect Obama's campaign pledges to beef up US military presence in Afghanistan, his administration would like to revisit President Bush's Afghan policy.

Consequently, the new administration is likely to come under increasing pressure with a thrust on exploring the chances of a political solution to the conflict. To work out how effective such a pressure could be, the noted US foreign affairs expert Eric Margolis' Friday interview on an American TV channel is highly instructive.

Arguing that the Afghan war cannot be won militarily he has urged the upcoming Obama administration to revise its policy towards Afghanistan and Pakistan. He particularly focused on the large Indian presence in Afghanistan. "They (Indians) have their intelligence agents everywhere. They are trying to turn Afghanistan into an Indian protectorate", he claimed.

Whatever the motive behind Karzai's offer of peace talks to Mullah Omar, taking it on its face value it should be welcomed. Security of Mullah Omar is indeed an issue that deserves serious consideration. The expression the Afghan president used to convey his offer is indicative of the dilemma in hosting Mullah Omar who carries a huge head money on his capture or killing.

But if there were a real desire to initiate talks for peace in Afghanistan, there would be no dearth of mechanism for mediation. Ideally, the Saudi soil can prove to be a useful venue for productive peace parleys. And, as and when some tangible progress is made the outsiders in Afghanistan, such as the Nato force, can help the peace process by announcing a timeframe for their evacuation.

It may be a slow and painful process, unlike a conventional war, but it is worth trying. It is hoped that irrespective of some 'ifs' camouflaging Karzai's offer, the Taliban would respond positively and the 'outsiders would support the process by doing their part, which essentially should be to let the miserable people of Afghanistan have peace, finally.
 
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