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Jaswant Singh: Mohammed Ali Jinnah did not win Pakistan

i hold respect "for my own father" on my own terms, to attempt to change these terms is in fact disrespect, moreso from the party that sponsors hate, violence and rape against muslims.

you really expect people to swallow this up from the hinduvata muslim hating extremists?

lol

I thought its a matter of great honour to be respected by one's enemies.......

But to each his own......I leave it to you.....just made an observation.....besides its not like JS is complimenting you.....Im sure Mr.Jinaah (May he rest in peace) is glad to hear this!!!
 
Ok Jinnah did not win Pakistna Nehru gifted it to us....thank you Nehru we are very happy in pakistan
 
I thought its a matter of great honour to be respected by one's enemies.......

But to each his own......I leave it to you.....just made an observation.....besides its not like JS is complimenting you.....Im sure Mr.Jinaah (May he rest in peace) is glad to hear this!!!

we dont need any validation from their kind thank you.

besides you make it seem as if we this is some romantic scenario where the two "enemies" as you put it have some grudging mutual respect, let me politely tell you this is not the case, stick to your own history/heritage, thanks.
 
we dont need any validation from their kind thank you.

besides you make it seem as if we this is some romantic scenario where the two "enemies" as you put it have some grudging mutual respect, let me politely tell you this is not the case, stick to your own history/heritage, thanks.

Who cares about 'enmity' or 'respect' in this?

This is a book from a senior leader of BJP,the one whom one might think would be the last person to write such a book.

In India,this is the controversy of BJP which has distanced it self from Jaswant Singh.(No BJP Leader attended his book launch)

The situation is similar to the incident when Advani called Jinnah 'secular' a few years ago.

The important thing is-
It gives a fresh perspective to history which has been taught to us.
 
Ok Jinnah did not win Pakistna Nehru gifted it to us....thank you Nehru we are very happy in pakistan

Jaswant Singh has, by writing this book, made an attempt to do two things:
(1) Rally BJP rank and file to his own side within the BJP.
(2) Make Congress look like an ***.

For (1) it is too late by around 20 years (1990-92 would have gotten better results for him)

For (2) it is just too early, with the Congress support still strong and BJP support still weakening.

BJP is in for some dark days. Hope the party of true economic libralisation finds the true social agenda to motivate its party base.

Reality does not change by a mere book.
Mr. Jinnah got the Pakistan and Pakistanis are happy.
Gandhi+Nehru+Patel had to reluctantly agree to the partition but as the saying goes, in every crisis there is an opportunity (amply borne out by the later history)

Everybody happy. In any case those who remember that India was once unpartioned are all now dead. No hard feelings in most of the public in India.
 
Don't do the mistake. He wants Pakistanis to read the book and increase the legal profit.

The intresting thing is the Indians are only highlighting the part where he said something about Nehru's attitude. They are trying to playdown the praise Jaswant showered on Jinnah.


Above all i feel Jaswant should have highlighted the role of Akhand Bharat advocatees which resulted in partion and creation of Pakistan.

It was this attitude which had forced a secular and visionary like Jinnah to think for sepration from united India.
 
Jaswant Singh has, by writing this book, made an attempt to do two things:
(1) Rally BJP rank and file to his own side within the BJP.
(2) Make Congress look like an ***.

For (1) it is too late by around 20 years (1990-92 would have gotten better results for him)

For (2) it is just too early, with the Congress support still strong and BJP support still weakening.

BJP is in for some dark days. Hope the party of true economic libralisation finds the true social agenda to motivate its party base.

.


No i dont think so because BJP today has said the party has nothing to do with statement of Jaswant about Jinnah.

I can understand that BJP can not tolerate praise showerd by an Indian on Jinnah. we still recall how poor Advani was forced to resign when he praised Jinnah.
 
No i dont think so because BJP today has said the party has nothing to do with statement of Jaswant about Jinnah.

I can understand that BJP can not tolerate praise showerd by an Indian on Jinnah. we still recall how poor Advani was forced to resign when he praised Jinnah.

BJP has the strongest factional fighting of all the parties right now.
Its actually Jaswant vs. Advani.
Last Advani was matted by his detractors, this time Jaswant.
Ask me, BJP has lost the plot. They cannot get the social agenda (nil) to gell with there economic agenda (still there under wraps and likely to help in the next round of party growth).
 
The intresting thing is the Indians are only highlighting the part where he said something about Nehru's attitude. They are trying to playdown the praise Jaswant showered on Jinnah.

Dah! obviously. Most old Indians and Young Hindutva supporters think Partition was to spite them.
Ask me, the family that could kill each other when the family members were going out would only have fought on after 47 had they not partitioned. God knows best. And I agree with God everytime.


Above all i feel Jaswant should have highlighted the role of Akhand Bharat advocatees which resulted in partion and creation of Pakistan.
It was this attitude which had forced a secular and visionary like Jinnah to think for sepration from united India.

Pls consult how exactly Naokhali happened before Direct Action Day. Go open source pls.
 
Who cares about 'enmity' or 'respect' in this?

This is a book from a senior leader of BJP,the one whom one might think would be the last person to write such a book.

In India,this is the controversy of BJP which has distanced it self from Jaswant Singh.(No BJP Leader attended his book launch)

The situation is similar to the incident when Advani called Jinnah 'secular' a few years ago.

The important thing is-
It gives a fresh perspective to history which has been taught to us.


the bolded part is the most significant part.

btw, nice signature, it was one of my fave quotes a few years ago.
 
At Jaswant Singh's book launch, the case for and against Jinnah

After Independence, Jawaharlal Nehru lived at Teen Murti Bhavan in New Delhi [ Images ]. Now, it has been converted into the Nehru Memorial and Museum Library.

It was an irony that in the auditorium of this historic complex, where Nehru's personal memorabilia has been preserved, a book that implicates Nehru Nehru for his acts of ommission and comission in making of history of India during the independence struggle was released.

Bhartiya Janata Party's leader and former foreign minister Jaswant Singh's book on Mohammad Ali Jinnah was released in presence of scholar and writer Namvar Singh, Hameed Haroon, chief of The Dawn, the newspaper that Jinnah founded, M J Akbar, writer and author of Nehru, The Making of India and Sir Mark Tully, British journalist who has meticulously reported on India from the days of Indira Gandhi [ Images ].

Along with them B G Verghese, fan of Nehru and Lord Meghnad Desai were also present. Jinnah – India, Partition, Independence has become controversial before it could launch.

L K Advani [ Images ], who also re-invented Jinnah as a secular leader, did not come for the launch. George Fernandes [ Images ], who is keeping fragile health, came with two assistants to help him walk.

The function that went on beyond listener's patience was about the book on Jinnah but few speakers stuck to the subject as is normally the case in such functions.

The book is likely to sell well because readers want to know Jaswant Singh's views on two questions. Was Jinnah secular? Was he the creator of Pakistan?

Namwar Singh, a highly respected author, gave a taste of his reputation to the audience. Instead of commenting on Jaswant's book he read out a passage from a Hindi writer's book and told Jaswant Singh that his book is published in footsteps of a Hindi book.

In the cover of Jaswant's book, the publisher has claimed that "no Indian or Pakistani politician or Member of Parliament has ventured an analytical political biography of Jinnah'. But Namwar Singh said that before Jaswant Singh, a retired income tax commissioner has written a book on Jinnah asking similar questions. Namwar Singh said, "Jinnah was considered a villain. This is a myth. To break this myth, Viren Kumar wrote a book and Jaswant Singh's book is in the same line."

He said in the Mahabaharat, Karna who was having Pandva blood was destined to fight on the side of the Kauravas.

What he probably meant was that Jinnah was wrongly demonised. He was secular but he was destined to fight the battle of Muslim League! Namwar complimented Jaswant that his book was written with a lot of emotion.

Hameed Haroon illustrated how like in India, even in Pakistan a fair evaluation of Jinnah has not been done. He said the young generation does not know the real Jinnah and just recently the electronic media is reinventing Jinnah.

He said that in India popular opinion is that Jinnah was responsible for Partition. Haroon pointed out that in Jinnah's August 11, 1947 speech in Karachi where he said that new nation Pakistan should have religious freedom. He says since Independence even in Pakistan there is some kind of censorship on information about Jinnah. During President Zia-ul Haq's regime Jinnah was criticised for drinking and for not being Islamic enough.

"In Pakistan there was political manipulation that tarred Jinnah's reputation."

Haroon alleged that Zia indulged in character assassination of Jinnah. As a result Pakistan's young generation lost Jinnah. He said, "The Partition was avoidable. It was a great crime that took place in 1947. Jinnah was falsely accused of that crime."

Haroon dwelt upon the developments before 1947 that led to Partition and how Jinnah lost patience due to those events"As a result the ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity went with passion to create Pakistan." Haroon said, "Jinnah was a great Indian who was 'Pakistani' only for one year and a month till he died on September 11, 1948."

Noted lawyer Ram Jethamalani condemned Nehru and almost abused him. He said that all problems of India are due to Nehru. While praising Jaswant Singh, he said that he respected him before he wrote this book but now after reading this book his respect for him has gone sky high.

The controversial premise of the book is that, "Jinnah did not win Pakistan, as the Congress leaders -- Nehru and Patel finally conceded Pakistan to Jinnah, with the British acting as an ever helpful midwife."

Jaswant Singh has said in an interview on the book that, "Nehru believed in a highly centralised polity. That's what he wanted India to be. Jinnah wanted a federal polity. That even Gandhi accepted. Nehru didn't. Consistently, he stood in the way of a federal India until 1947 when it became a partitioned India."

Jethamalani said, "Yes, Jinnah was secular. I have no doubt on that." Jinnah was never found wanting on the issue of Hindu-Muslim unity, he said.

Jethamalani said Jinnah was such formidable lawyer that even the legendary lawyer Bhulabhai Desai used to get nervous when he faced Jinnah. However, he said, "Advocate Jinnah's greatest client was the Muslim community. He fought their case with consummate skill. He himself was amazed by his own success."

Jethamalani claimed, "But, his heart was not in it!"

When Jethamalani starts speaking he is unstoppable. While talking about differences between the Congress and Muslim leadership he said, "Historically Muslims were masters or slaves. They never had developed the political partnership which was required in the Congress."

Continuing his scathing attack on Nehru, Jethamalani quoted a March 12, 1937 meeting between Nehru and leaders of the Muslim community where he claimed that Nehru was arrogant. Jethamalani quoted Nehru saying that, 'The Hindu-Muslim question in India is an obsession of some power-seekers'.

He says that Nehru had no concern for the Muslim masses and their grievances. Jethamalani said the "arrogance and stupidity" of Nehru distressed Muslim leaders of that time

Jaswant Singh has said that the view held by many in India that Jinnah hated Hindus was a mistake and said the demonisation of Jinnah was a direct result of the trauma of Partition. Singh has said that Jinnah's principal disagreement was with the Congress party. He had no problems whatsoever with the Hindus.

But B G Verghese, former editor of the Hindustan Times and the Indian Express, gave a befitting reply to Jethamalini and hit out at Jaswant Singh's version in his speech.

Verghese said, "Jaswant Singh is little unkind to Nehru."

Verghese told rediff.com, "Nehru was not responsible for Partition. The whole idea of two-nation theory and Jinnah's demand for minority rights and Muslims being given 'weighted' representation partitioned the heart of India. He said Muslims are different from Hindus and then he asked for a larger share. To my mind, from Nehru's point of view he had complete justification for taking the stance that he took. Also, they told the Congress that no one other than the Muslim League can represent the Muslims. Zakir Hussein can't, Maulana Azad can't."

On the issue of Jinnah's secularism, Verghese reminded the audience that Jinnah gave the call for direct action in 1946 and that resulted in violence and killings between Hindus and Muslims.

M J Akbar also put it succinct defence of Nehru. He said that in decision making processes that lead to Partition, Nehru was not alone. The Congress Working Committee took the decision. Akbar said that the Cabinet Mission Plan permitted secession and in that the Congress saw a plan for balkanisation of India.

Akbar said, "Jinnah accepted a moth-eaten Pakistan, but Nehru refused to accept a moth-eaten India."

Akbar said, "Mahatma Gandhi [ Images ] wanted a secular nation with a Hindu majority, while Jinnah wanted a secular nation with a Muslim majority".

A few years back, Akbar had written an essay on Jinnah and had quoted Gandhi.

Akbar wrote that, "On June 8, 1940, Gandhi said in The Harijan that, 'Quaid-e-Azam himself was a great Congressman. It was only after the non-cooperation movement that he, like many other Congressmen belonging to several communities, left. Their defection was purely political.' In other words, it was not communal. It could not be, for almost every Muslim was with Gandhi when Jinnah left the Congress."

The function was attentively watched by Pakistan High Commissioner Shahid Malik who was obviously pleased with Jaswant Singh's book.

Jaswant Singh's party has completely distanced itself from him and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh is trying to figure out what is the real motive behind writing this book when the sangh parivar is passing through one of the worst crisis in decades.

The Congress is making mockery of Jaswant's attempt, sure that popular opinion in India would never accept any kind of projection of Jinnah as a secular hero. One of the members of audience termed it as 'suicidal' for the man who has been a member of the core group of the Bharatiya Janata Party [ Images ].

Recently, one of the readers of Jaswant's version of Jinnah had said, "The power to inflict painful self-goals is a profoundly Indian trait."

Jethamalani thinks that through this book Jaswant Singh has established that Jinnah was secular and Nehru was responsible for Partition and Nehru should be blamed for disregarding grievances of the Muslim community.

Jethamalani, a Sindhi by birth who lost his birthplace due to Partition and who once lived in a refugee camp in Mumbai [ Images ], advised Jaswant Singh, "you should write an another book on where do we go from here?"

Sheela Bhatt in New Delhi
The case for and against Jinnah: Rediff.com news
 
analysis: Was Jinnah a charismatic leader? —Dr Hasan-Askari Rizvi

Jinnah emerges as the top-most leader of the Muslims of British India, whose role was critical to the success of the movement for the establishment of Pakistan. His death within 13 months of the establishment of Pakistan was bound to create a severe crisis of leadership

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah was a leader of extraordinary qualities who transformed the Muslim community of British India into a nation by articulating their aspirations for protection and assertion of Muslim identity, rights and interests. The British government that had strong reservations about the partition of India until they realised that it was not advisable to transfer power the Congress party alone.

This raises a fundamental question about the role of leadership in history-making political struggles, especially independence movements. Should leadership be treated as a dependent or independent variable?

The dependent variable explanation de-emphasises the role of leadership, assigning greater importance to socio-economic forces that affect the course of history and make it possible for some leaders to emerge on the political scene. Others talk of the cyclic rise and fall of civilisations that enable some to assume the leadership role. Still others emphasise the rise and fall of great powers that have implications for the emergence and decline of leadership. There are those who underline economic determinants of historical changes which cause some leaders to emerge.

The independent variable perspective assigns centrality to leadership in social and political movements, especially independence movements in Asia and Africa. The leader is viewed as the guiding spirit of the movement that inspires the people, articulates and aggregates their interests and concerns into concrete demands. He guides people who have full faith in his leadership towards the goal. Circumstances and conditions prevailing at a particular point in time do matter in the rise of such a leader but, as an independent variable, his role is not at the mercy of circumstance. Rather, he is viewed as having the capacity to mould circumstances for achieving his goal. Personal qualities and political acumen are viewed as integral to the notion of leadership.

A good example of leadership as an independent variable is a charismatic leader who emerges in peculiar socio-political conditions but has the personal qualities and capacity to change the political context to pursue his agenda.

Jinnah can be described as a charismatic leader who altered the course of history in the Indian subcontinent. Sikander Hayat’s book, The Charismatic Leader: Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah and the Creation of Pakistan, is an excellent study of the notion of the charismatic leader or charisma as it developed in comparative politics and sociology, and how this can be applied to Jinnah to understand his role as the founding father of Pakistan. The book thus examines historical data in an analytical and theoretical framework derived from social sciences, making it an excellent biography of Jinnah and a personality study, as well as an issue-oriented analytical study of the Pakistan movement.

Hayat argues that charisma offers a better framework of analysis for Jinnah’s leadership than other explanations like the saviour notion, personal power ambition, leadership vacuum among the Muslims, congruence between Jinnah’s personal needs and those of Indian Muslims, and the hostile and uncompromising disposition of Gandhi and the Congress leadership towards Jinnah and his political demands. These explanations are not mutually exclusive and some of them overlap with the articulation of Jinnah’s charismatic leadership.

No discussion of charisma is possible without going back to Max Weber who provided the earliest coherent discourse on this notion. Hayat not only discusses Weber but also examines contributions of other scholars that further refined the dimensions of charisma and applied it to the study of leadership in the post-WWII period. These scholars include Edward Shils, David Apter, Ann and Dorothy Ruth Willners, Dankwart Rustow and Robert Tucker.

Weber’s first description of charisma emphasises ‘supernatural, superhuman and exceptional’ qualities that are recognised by the followers who have complete faith and confidence in him as the leader. Such devotion is born out of ‘enthusiasm, despair and hope.’ Charisma can fade out if the leader fails repeatedly in delivering the goal to the people. Later, Weber argues that a charismatic leader is capable of adapting to legal-rational authority and institutionalisation through the routinisation of charisma. He further suggests that charisma is not necessarily “irrational and “transitory” but it is “compatible with normal economy and daily routine. In fact, he needs institutions and processes to sustain his leadership”. (p.20) However, it may be mentioned that routinisation and institutionalisation of charisma is not always successful.

Charisma emerges, as Ruth Willners puts it, in “a situation of extreme social stress or crisis, often producing major deprivations.” Such a leader emerges in a situation of crisis and uncertainty and he articulates the concerns and demands of the people in such a manner that they develop complete confidence and faith in his ability to address their problems.

Hayat is not the first writer to describe Jinnah as a charismatic leader. Other writers like Sharifal Mujahid, Stanley Wolpert, RJ More and Waheed-uz-Zaman recognise Jinnah’s charisma for the Muslims in British India. Still others regard Jinnah as a leader of extra-ordinary qualities who exercised unrivalled influence over the majority of Muslims, although they do not use the label of charismatic. Hayat’s argument about Jinnah’s charisma is couched in theoretical literature, making it more analytical, and it is backed by extensive documentation of theoretical studies and hard data about Jinnah and the movement for the establishment of Pakistan.

His main argument is that the rise of charisma involves two sets of factors, i.e., extra-ordinary personality attributes and situational or contextual factors within which the leader functions. (pp. 24-25) His success is dependent on the confidence of his followers in his leadership and his ability to articulate the demands, mobilise the people and then secure the promised solution to their problems. His study of Jinnah focuses on how these two sets of factors contributed to Jinnah’s rise as the greatest leader of the Muslims in British India.

Jinnah’s charisma, according to Hayat, began to manifest in 1934-35 on his return from England where he stayed on after participation in the Roundtable Conference. However, its roots go back to the earlier period when Jinnah demonstrated his personal qualities in the changing political context of India and built his reputation as a professional person devoted to preservation and promotion of Muslim identity, interests and rights in India’s legal and constitutional arrangements.

Jinnah had several personal qualities that made it possible for him to rise to eminence: he was always absolutely sure of himself and his cause; he responded to the aspirations of the Muslims and knew how to express their aspirations in concrete demands; he possessed an exceptional legal mind that was suited to negotiations on complex political, legal and constitutional issues; he was a well organised person with strong discipline in his private and public life, which strengthened his management capacity; and he was a keen strategist who fully understood the line of action to be adopted in specific political situations and contexts. (pp. 72-77)

Imbibed with liberal traditions and a law degree he acquired during his stay in England from 1893-1896, Jinnah’s initial associations on his return to India were with political leaders of liberal orientations. His decision to join the Congress party in 1906 was understandable because the Congress represented at that time “both Hindu and Muslim educated, urban middle classes, and was agitating for self-government and responsible rule.” (p.40) However, from the early years of politics, Jinnah gave special attention to Muslim interests and causes.

He joined the Muslim League in 1913 and succeeded in securing a Congress-Muslim League understanding in 1916 on future constitutional and political arrangements with clear guarantees for Muslim rights and interests. His leadership skill as the champion of Muslim identity and interests were demonstrated in the late 1920s and the early 1930s as he put forward Muslim demands in clear terms while showing flexibility by expressing willingness to give up separate electorates under certain conditions in 1927. He also continued to work towards developing some understanding with Congress provided the latter was willing to accommodate safeguards and guarantees for Muslim identity, rights and interests.

The fifth chapter of Hayat’s book provides a detailed account of why and how the Muslim League came to the conclusion that it must opt for a separate homeland. It also deals with how Jinnah articulated the separate nationhood of the Muslims of British India. The discussion of the Lahore Resolution rejects the argument that it was inspired by the British or Jinnah opted for the resolution only to increase his bargaining power.

Hayat argues that the demand for Pakistan “was the work of the Muslim mind and [the] Muslim leadership of India, particularly Jinnah’s and was dictated in a Muslim situation of ‘despair and hope’. It represented the Muslim desire to avert a permanent Hindu majority government in India, with no prospects for the Muslims to be in power.” (pp. 193-94) He also addresses “three principal ambiguities” in the Lahore Resolution and argues that the ambiguities were “deliberate and tactical”. (p.206)

Two chapters focus on Jinnah’s mobilisation for the demand of a separate homeland and how he dealt with the British, the Congress party and others, including the Muslims who opposed his demand. He used his charisma to strengthen the Muslim League and transformed it into a mass party by bringing in the newly mobilised populace and the traditional groups. As a charismatic leader, he kept a firm control on the party and was the pivot of its popular mobilisation campaign because Jinnah’s charisma went far beyond the Muslim League, which was seen as his organisation.

Jinnah emerges as the top-most leader of the Muslims of British India, whose role was critical to the success of the movement for the establishment of Pakistan. His death within 13 months of the establishment of Pakistan was bound to create a severe crisis of leadership.

Dr Hasan-Askari Rizvi is a political and defence analyst

Daily Times - Leading News Resource of Pakistan
 

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