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India’s bid to create a ‘new spice route’

nahtanbob

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Despite its dark underbelly of divisiveness, India’s meteoric rise orchestrated by the Modi-led government is hard to ignore. No one could have imagined a couple of decades ago, even after the nuclearisation of the subcontinent, that India would land the first spacecraft on the moon’s southern pole, or that it would be at the forefront of forging new pathways to enable transcontinental trade. What is ironic, however, is that India has been able to accomplish these goals under the leadership of an ultranationalist leader whose success rests on his ability to whip up ethno-majoritarianism to such an extent that India is now being described as an “illiberal democracy”.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi is not the architect of the ‘India shining’ model which was first articulated by an earlier BJP government for its 2004 election campaign. However, Modi has managed to put this notion on steroids by ushering in an era of modernisation, liberalisation and impressive economic growth. The Indian economic model has still not managed to address the glaring problem of inequality, and much of the economic growth is led by powerful oligarchies with close ties to the Modi government. The Modi government’s hurried demonetisation drive, and its draconian handling of the Covid-19 pandemic, also hit the poorer segments of society quite hard. However, the Moditva phenomenon has managed to blend the far-right RSS agenda of Hindu nationalism with the sense of pride in India as an emerging superpower, to create a massive support base and to brutally repress his opponents and already marginalised communities.

Modi ratcheted up anti-Pakistan sentiment and animosity towards Indian Muslims to win a landslide victory in the 2019 elections, and he seems to be pursuing a similar strategy in the lead-up to next year’s elections. It is not only Muslims, but several ethnic minorities which have experienced the wrath of the Moditva raj including ethnic minorities in Manipur and other northeastern states, and the tribal communities residing within the Naxalite corridor. Sikh separatist aspirations may also be making a comeback under Modi’s watch.

Yet, the world community, especially European and American decision-makers, and investors, seem unfazed by the ongoing restiveness in India, or by the draconian measures being used in Kashmir and in other restive regions. Despite once being ostracised for his role in the Gujarat massacre in 2002, while he was the CM of that state, Modi now rubs shoulders with the most powerful leaders of the world.

India has just presided over a high-profile G20 summit. Despite the rhetoric of amplifying voices of the global south, India did not press upon the need for big emitters within the G20 to contend with major threats facing poorer countries due to climate change. It instead focused on making the African Union a permanent member of G20 with the ambition of creating a “new spice route”. However, this expanded grouping which proposes establishment of a chain of railroad networks, ports and energy and data sharing networks linking South Asia to Africa, the Middle East and Europe is not entirely India’s doing. The US is underwriting this initiative, which comes on the heels of earlier attempts to create an alternative mechanism to counter Chinese infrastructure spending under the ambitious Belt and Road Initiative. Whether G20’s expansion will be able to produce more tangible results than the lofty Build Back Better World initiative launched by the US in 2021 remains to be seen.

Nonetheless, all the international attention given to Modi bodes well for his image of a strongman capable of earning India the respect it deserves and of turning the country into an indisputable superpower.

China is not pleased by Indian attempts to bypass its BRI, nor is it oblivious to US attempts to use India to contain Chinese influence. The use of India as a proxy power may compel China to tighten its embrace of Pakistan to push back against Indian ambitions which, in turn, could worsen friction in what is already quite a tense part of the world.

Published in The Express Tribune, September 15th, 2023.
 
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The Prime movers of this "spice route" is not India , its USA, Saudi Arabia, UAE even though India may be a prime beneficiary. Not much Moola will be expended by India, those would be the Saudi's UAE and the Americans.
 
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The Prime movers of this "spice route" is not India , its USA, Saudi Arabia, UAE even though India may be a prime beneficiary. Not much Moola will be expended by India, those would be the Saudi's UAE and the Americans.

it ties Saudis with the Israelis. People have been awfully quiet about it on this forum
 
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it ties Saudis with the Israelis. People have been awfully quiet about it on this forum

Palestinians were okay with KSA having relations with Israel.


Palestinians set out terms for agreeing to historic Saudi-Israeli deal​

    • Published
      7 September
  • Transferring parts of the West Bank currently under full Israeli control (known as Area C under the 1990s Oslo peace accords) to the governance of the Palestinian Authority
  • A "complete cessation" of Israeli settlement growth in the West Bank
  • Resuming Saudi financial support to the PA, which slowed from 2016 and stopped completely three years ago, to the tune of around $200m (£160m) per year
  • Re-opening the US consulate in Jerusalem - the diplomatic mission to the Palestinians - that was shut down by President Donald Trump
  • Resuming US-brokered negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians from where they stopped under then-Secretary of State John Kerry in 2014.
 
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Palestinians were okay with KSA having relations with Israel.


Palestinians set out terms for agreeing to historic Saudi-Israeli deal​

    • Published
      7 September
  • Transferring parts of the West Bank currently under full Israeli control (known as Area C under the 1990s Oslo peace accords) to the governance of the Palestinian Authority
  • A "complete cessation" of Israeli settlement growth in the West Bank
  • Resuming Saudi financial support to the PA, which slowed from 2016 and stopped completely three years ago, to the tune of around $200m (£160m) per year
  • Re-opening the US consulate in Jerusalem - the diplomatic mission to the Palestinians - that was shut down by President Donald Trump
  • Resuming US-brokered negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians from where they stopped under then-Secretary of State John Kerry in 2014.
But main cause is goes in gutter liberation of Israel from Zionist
 
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IMEC will fail to rival China Silk Road by neglecting key developing nations
September 20, 2023 at 4:06 pm

by Muhammad Hussein

In this era of grand projects and geopolitical interconnectedness, it was no surprise, this month, when a memorandum of understanding was announced on the sidelines of the G20 summit in New Delhi that numerous nations will work to establish a vast ship and rail corridor, stretching from India across the Arabian Sea to the United Arab Emirates (UAE), across Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Israel, then to Europe.

Coming after months of talks behind the scenes and involving leaders such as US President Joe Biden, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman, the corridor will reportedly include undersea cables, energy transport infrastructure and railway systems.

Since the very moment of its announcement, it was praised not just by India and the Arab Gulf states, but also by the US and European Union (EU), both of which gave the project their backing. European Commission President, Ursula von der Leyen, hailed it as “a green and digital bridge across continents and civilisations”, and President Joe Biden said it would offer “endless opportunities” and will “contribute to a more stable and prosperous Middle East”.

Their support for such a project likely stretches over a series of more strategic matters, such as the fostering of cooperation between Israel and Arab Gulf states, including Saudi Arabia, to serve as an encouragement of finally establishing a normalisation deal between Tel Aviv and Riyadh.

Most prominently, though, the Atlanticist establishment’s backing of the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) has predictably positioned it as a potential rival to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), serving as a counter to Beijing’s ambitions and increasing influence in the Middle East and South Asia, amid a seeming decline in the Western power bloc’s influence.

If that is, indeed, the aim, or at least one of the policy goals in supporting the Corridor, then a significant disappointment likely lies in wait for the West as the IMEC project contains several potentially major strategic mistakes.

Netanyahu’s delight at the IMEC project is probably premature

At first glance, the corridor does indeed connect South Asia with the Arabian Gulf and to Europe, raising the potential for trade links and profit exponentially. As the hypothetical maritime route sets off from India’s Mumbai, however, it entirely bypasses any of the ports along the coast of Pakistan.

After the proposed rail route across the Arabian Peninsula, up through Jordan and then to Haifa, the maritime route then continues to Greece’s Piraeus, along with reportedly Italy and France. That again completely bypasses another potentially profitable stop at any of Turkiye’s major Mediterranean ports.

In neglecting important stops such as Pakistan’s Karachi or Gwadar and Turkiye’s Izmir or Mersin, the proposed corridor contains major flaws and gaps which would leave it vulnerable to further exploitation from Beijing and even Moscow.

Misgivings over Islamabad and Ankara’s involvement are somewhat understandable from both a logistical and geopolitical perspective, of course. It remains in question whether Pakistan currently possesses the readiness and means to fulfil the required work – what kind of work specifically, we have not yet been told – to hold up its hypothetical side of the Corridor, as it is mired in its own myriad of leadership and financial crises at the present time.

Geopolitically, Pakistan’s involvement would also prove difficult regarding India’s cooperation as the neighbouring rivals continue to be at odds with each other. Turkiye’s part in the Corridor could similarly reignite tensions with Greece and its role, as well as other European countries that have experienced friction with Turkiye and its increasingly independent foreign policy over the past decade.

Despite those considerations, it is becoming progressively clear that the planners and backers of the IMEC project, especially Western nations, are missing primarily two enormous opportunities in leaving those countries out in the cold.

Firstly, by involving Pakistan in the initiative, a significant step in the path toward reconciliation and improved ties with India could have been achieved. Furthermore, involving Turkiye would have strengthened its ties and interdependence with Israel and Greece, potentially preventing a series of diplomatic fallouts in future tensions.

OPINION: The scramble for the Global South: Foreign domination or self-sufficiency?

Months of negotiations and assurances would have had to have taken place for either of those to happen, undoubtedly, and some concessions may have been required from both sides, but it could have resulted in lucrative dividends for most players and would certainly have been a crowning achievement for the Biden administration.

Secondly, if IMEC were to involve nations such as Pakistan and Turkiye, it would serve to undermine the efforts of China and its BRI project, as well as Russia’s standing in the region. Initiatives such as the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) – already on its knees after a few years of delays, security concerns, and finance issues – and Russia’s investments and energy projects in Turkiye could, therefore, be countered and rivalled.

At the current stage, however, the isolation has only served to maintain and expand the current geopolitical divide, with Turkish President, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, slamming the proposed Corridor plans by saying that it “will not work” as it bypasses a major regional hub such as Turkiye.

Perhaps it is not a concern of IMEC’s Western backers to foster unity and heal geopolitical rivalries, and perhaps it is in their interests to ensure such divisions are maintained, as many players in the Global South believe that to be the case.

There is a chance, after all, that the project could be just another one of the many grand proposals over the years that ignited significant debate but, in actuality, failed to materialise, such as the EastMed pipeline between Israel, Cyprus and Greece. We have yet to see how this project progresses.

Either way, if the proposed Corridor is part of a strategic attempt to woo the Global South, co-opt its economic potential and deflect other powers away from hegemonic influence, then it is making a fatal strategic mistake in neglecting such key regional players.
 
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