BanglaBhoot
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5 minutes vs 5,000 years
Forget what America wants. What will coddling Iran give India? How important is Iran, asks Saubhik Chakravarti
The News Today - August 10, 2007
Is it in Indias interest to define its foreign policy by heroically defending a country under UN sanctions, a country with which India does just over $5 billion trade and which hosts around 500 families of Indian origin? Apparently it is. Not just our Marxists but many eminent members of our chattering class are outraged that Indias beautiful relationship with Iran is at risk courtesy American threats.
This argument, if that is the word for it, has been around for a while. But absolutely no one has explained what is so beautiful and vital about Indias relationship with Iran. What is at stake? What has Iran done for us? What can it do for us? And what are Indias next choices in global diplomacy over Irans nuclear stand?
Note here that Irans core argument about wanting to go ahead with its nuclear programme is that it needs energy. This, from a country sitting on huge oil and gas reserves. When asked why a hydrocarbon-blessed nation should have to look at other options, Irans official reply is that it wants to export oil and gas and use nuclear power for domestic energy consumption. In any list of utterly unbelievable diplomatic hogwash, this should figure very high. Also note that every time Iran talks tough on nuclear negotiations, oil prices get jumpy, and that jump translates to a nice value upgrade for Iranian exports.
We need to briefly engage with the so-called civilisational argument. Emptied of contemporary concerns, civilisational arguments cannot determine foreign policy. What happened 5,000 years back isnt that relevant. Related to this is the romantic argument. Iran is a wonderfully interesting country. Iran engenders romance. But so does, in a different sense of course, Ireland. Wheres Ireland in Indias foreign policy? The civilisational/romantic argument is disingenuous when employed by Iranians. It is plain silly when invoked by Indians.
So what is at stake in the Indo-Iranian relationship? A good way to understand this is to compare Indias relations with the Gulf Arab countries. When domestic politics in India gets excited about the so-called Muslim vote in foreign policy, the practitioners of this dangerous trade dont usually make a distinction between Iranians and Gulf Arabs. Honestly, those seeking the Muslim vote in India should ask Saudi Arabia what it feels about Iran possessing a nuclear bomb.
They should also note that Indias annual non-oil trade with the Gulf Coordination Council (GCC) countries is nearly $24 billion. The GCC area has emerged as one of the keenest buyers of Indian exports. Trade analysts put the GCC at par with America in terms of demand creation for Indian goods and services. Indias annual non-oil trade with Iran is just over $5 billion. As for oil trade, two-thirds of Indias oil imports come from GCC countries, around 14 per cent comes from Iran. GCC countries host millions of Indian workers and their remittances are a significant part of Indias foreign exchange reserves. Iran hosts around 500 Indian-origin families. Flights to Gulf countries are prized and there are regular battles between Indian carriers about rights to offer services. No Indian carriers fly to Tehran.
Surely no amount of romance can get in the way of concluding that the crucial relationship India has to maintain in the Middle East is that with Gulf Arabs. And the latter are very suspicious of Irans peaceful nuclear programme. Note that America doesnt enter into this argument. Whether or not overexcited American legislators or editorials in the Washington Post grimly talk about Indias growing cooperation with Iran, it is in Indias interest to not put Iran above Gulf Arabs in its diplomacy in the Middle East.
Next question, what has Iran done for us? After the September 2005 India vote against Iran at the IAEA, some diplomatic experts pointed out why Iran was right to feel hurt Iranian intervention at a 1994 Geneva meeting on human rights had scuppered a Kashmir-centred, anti-India resolution. But think, how much it must have hurt India when Iran incidentally, the first country to recognise Pakistan when it was formed always voted against us during OIC (Organisation of Islamic Conference) deliberations on Kashmir.
True, Iran found common cause with India when Sunni Taliban took over Afghanistan. Shia Iran was nervous. India was nervous. And they both supported Ahmed Shah Masoods Northern Alliance. Afghanistan remains a priority for India, for Iran and for the US. None of these countries wants the Taliban to rule again. A working relationship with Tehran is crucial to solving the Afghan question. But thats not the stuff of a special relationship. Its a dovetailing of self-interests on a specific issue.
http://www.newstoday-bd.com/editorial.asp?newsdate=#2017
Forget what America wants. What will coddling Iran give India? How important is Iran, asks Saubhik Chakravarti
The News Today - August 10, 2007
Is it in Indias interest to define its foreign policy by heroically defending a country under UN sanctions, a country with which India does just over $5 billion trade and which hosts around 500 families of Indian origin? Apparently it is. Not just our Marxists but many eminent members of our chattering class are outraged that Indias beautiful relationship with Iran is at risk courtesy American threats.
This argument, if that is the word for it, has been around for a while. But absolutely no one has explained what is so beautiful and vital about Indias relationship with Iran. What is at stake? What has Iran done for us? What can it do for us? And what are Indias next choices in global diplomacy over Irans nuclear stand?
Note here that Irans core argument about wanting to go ahead with its nuclear programme is that it needs energy. This, from a country sitting on huge oil and gas reserves. When asked why a hydrocarbon-blessed nation should have to look at other options, Irans official reply is that it wants to export oil and gas and use nuclear power for domestic energy consumption. In any list of utterly unbelievable diplomatic hogwash, this should figure very high. Also note that every time Iran talks tough on nuclear negotiations, oil prices get jumpy, and that jump translates to a nice value upgrade for Iranian exports.
We need to briefly engage with the so-called civilisational argument. Emptied of contemporary concerns, civilisational arguments cannot determine foreign policy. What happened 5,000 years back isnt that relevant. Related to this is the romantic argument. Iran is a wonderfully interesting country. Iran engenders romance. But so does, in a different sense of course, Ireland. Wheres Ireland in Indias foreign policy? The civilisational/romantic argument is disingenuous when employed by Iranians. It is plain silly when invoked by Indians.
So what is at stake in the Indo-Iranian relationship? A good way to understand this is to compare Indias relations with the Gulf Arab countries. When domestic politics in India gets excited about the so-called Muslim vote in foreign policy, the practitioners of this dangerous trade dont usually make a distinction between Iranians and Gulf Arabs. Honestly, those seeking the Muslim vote in India should ask Saudi Arabia what it feels about Iran possessing a nuclear bomb.
They should also note that Indias annual non-oil trade with the Gulf Coordination Council (GCC) countries is nearly $24 billion. The GCC area has emerged as one of the keenest buyers of Indian exports. Trade analysts put the GCC at par with America in terms of demand creation for Indian goods and services. Indias annual non-oil trade with Iran is just over $5 billion. As for oil trade, two-thirds of Indias oil imports come from GCC countries, around 14 per cent comes from Iran. GCC countries host millions of Indian workers and their remittances are a significant part of Indias foreign exchange reserves. Iran hosts around 500 Indian-origin families. Flights to Gulf countries are prized and there are regular battles between Indian carriers about rights to offer services. No Indian carriers fly to Tehran.
Surely no amount of romance can get in the way of concluding that the crucial relationship India has to maintain in the Middle East is that with Gulf Arabs. And the latter are very suspicious of Irans peaceful nuclear programme. Note that America doesnt enter into this argument. Whether or not overexcited American legislators or editorials in the Washington Post grimly talk about Indias growing cooperation with Iran, it is in Indias interest to not put Iran above Gulf Arabs in its diplomacy in the Middle East.
Next question, what has Iran done for us? After the September 2005 India vote against Iran at the IAEA, some diplomatic experts pointed out why Iran was right to feel hurt Iranian intervention at a 1994 Geneva meeting on human rights had scuppered a Kashmir-centred, anti-India resolution. But think, how much it must have hurt India when Iran incidentally, the first country to recognise Pakistan when it was formed always voted against us during OIC (Organisation of Islamic Conference) deliberations on Kashmir.
True, Iran found common cause with India when Sunni Taliban took over Afghanistan. Shia Iran was nervous. India was nervous. And they both supported Ahmed Shah Masoods Northern Alliance. Afghanistan remains a priority for India, for Iran and for the US. None of these countries wants the Taliban to rule again. A working relationship with Tehran is crucial to solving the Afghan question. But thats not the stuff of a special relationship. Its a dovetailing of self-interests on a specific issue.
http://www.newstoday-bd.com/editorial.asp?newsdate=#2017