TaiShang
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History burdens both Japan and China
Global Times
120 years ago, China's failure in the First Sino-Japanese War (1894-95) sped up the collapse of the old empire and thrust the nation into a vast abyss of crisis. It also began the bitter relationship between China and Japan, which continues until nowadays. What lessons can China learn from the First Sino-Japanese War, and how do they serve as reference to deal with an increasingly belligerent Japan? In the just concluded "Sino-Japanese Relationship after the First Sino-Japanese War" seminar, several Chinese scholars shared their ideas over these issues.
Wu Yin, former vice president of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and president of the Chinese Association for Japanese Studies:
One of the most important lessons we can draw from the First Sino-Japanese War is a better understanding of the basic situation of Sino-Japanese relations. Japan's special geographical position determines that it has a strong sense of crisis and expansionist ambitions.
But in different ages, Japan's expansionism resorted to different approaches. It used a military approach in the First Sino-Japanese War, but it remains a question whether the same way will apply in modern times. Is it possible that Japan will expand in a non-military way?
This question must be explored through combining Japan's national situation, its political and policymaking process, and the response of the international community.
The reason why the First Sino-Japanese War could be used as a reference is because there are still many elements unchanged after 120 years that can be used to analyze Japan's current national strategy.
Japan's inherent deficiencies, such as lack of resources, vulnerability to natural disasters, and overpopulation, pin down a fact that expansionism is still Japan's priority.
In the international community, Japan employs the same strategy, a cunning and adaptable diplomatic policy featuring both aggressiveness and compromise by taking advantage of different ideas to serve its own purposes.
Japan's policymaking process has its own rules. As long as China can grasp them, it will be able to come up with effective countermeasures.
Liang Yunxiang, professor at the School of International Studies, Peking University:
Compared to the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression (1937-45), the First Sino-Japanese War has not been given much emphasis in the study of history and international relations.
In fact, it is this war that shattered the order of East Asia that had lasted for centuries, and uplifted Japan to be the new dominant force in this region. Many extant conflicts between China and Japan can be regarded as leftovers of that war 120 years ago.
Among these conflicts, the Diaoyu Islands dispute is one of the most prominent contradictions between China and Japan. This reflects that both nations still have divergences on many basic issues such as the war responsibility.
As China's economic strength has surpassed Japan's and the gap is enlarging, another exchange of roles is underway, and these issues, especially the Diaoyu Islands dispute, will continue to create more confrontations.
But both leaderships should avoid a tit-for-tat standoff becoming the norm between China and Japan. History, especially a century of aggression and anti-aggression, has become a burden for both sides. In these years, it has been chipping away at the efforts to achieve permanent peace between both sides. China and Japan must focus their eyes on common interests in current times.
Speculations about whether another war between China and Japan is inevitable never cease. This shows that an uncertain future still lies ahead.
I would say although there are many divergences between both nations, their leaderships, especially Japanese administration, should have the courage to make a joint statement, proclaiming that China and Japan will never engage in war.
This could be one of the foundations on which both nations talk about concrete problems.
Li Ruoyu, assistant research fellow with the Institute of Japanese Studies, the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences:
One of the most considerable consequences of the First Sino-Japanese War is that it dramatically changed Japan and its people's mind about their country. Their condescending attitude toward China stems from that war, and it continues today.
Compared with the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression, the First Sino-Japanese War can more evidently reflect China and Japan's different mindsets toward that period of time.
Japanese textbooks and media stay away from using "invasion" or "aggression" to describe the war that happened 120 years ago. Usually, even the public sees it as a victory over a "backward civilization."
There is no way that we can sort out the impending issues concerning politics and sovereignty without finding common ground on history. This is probably the hardest part when dealing with Sino-Japanese relations.
Global Times
120 years ago, China's failure in the First Sino-Japanese War (1894-95) sped up the collapse of the old empire and thrust the nation into a vast abyss of crisis. It also began the bitter relationship between China and Japan, which continues until nowadays. What lessons can China learn from the First Sino-Japanese War, and how do they serve as reference to deal with an increasingly belligerent Japan? In the just concluded "Sino-Japanese Relationship after the First Sino-Japanese War" seminar, several Chinese scholars shared their ideas over these issues.
Wu Yin, former vice president of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and president of the Chinese Association for Japanese Studies:
One of the most important lessons we can draw from the First Sino-Japanese War is a better understanding of the basic situation of Sino-Japanese relations. Japan's special geographical position determines that it has a strong sense of crisis and expansionist ambitions.
But in different ages, Japan's expansionism resorted to different approaches. It used a military approach in the First Sino-Japanese War, but it remains a question whether the same way will apply in modern times. Is it possible that Japan will expand in a non-military way?
This question must be explored through combining Japan's national situation, its political and policymaking process, and the response of the international community.
The reason why the First Sino-Japanese War could be used as a reference is because there are still many elements unchanged after 120 years that can be used to analyze Japan's current national strategy.
Japan's inherent deficiencies, such as lack of resources, vulnerability to natural disasters, and overpopulation, pin down a fact that expansionism is still Japan's priority.
In the international community, Japan employs the same strategy, a cunning and adaptable diplomatic policy featuring both aggressiveness and compromise by taking advantage of different ideas to serve its own purposes.
Japan's policymaking process has its own rules. As long as China can grasp them, it will be able to come up with effective countermeasures.
Liang Yunxiang, professor at the School of International Studies, Peking University:
Compared to the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression (1937-45), the First Sino-Japanese War has not been given much emphasis in the study of history and international relations.
In fact, it is this war that shattered the order of East Asia that had lasted for centuries, and uplifted Japan to be the new dominant force in this region. Many extant conflicts between China and Japan can be regarded as leftovers of that war 120 years ago.
Among these conflicts, the Diaoyu Islands dispute is one of the most prominent contradictions between China and Japan. This reflects that both nations still have divergences on many basic issues such as the war responsibility.
As China's economic strength has surpassed Japan's and the gap is enlarging, another exchange of roles is underway, and these issues, especially the Diaoyu Islands dispute, will continue to create more confrontations.
But both leaderships should avoid a tit-for-tat standoff becoming the norm between China and Japan. History, especially a century of aggression and anti-aggression, has become a burden for both sides. In these years, it has been chipping away at the efforts to achieve permanent peace between both sides. China and Japan must focus their eyes on common interests in current times.
Speculations about whether another war between China and Japan is inevitable never cease. This shows that an uncertain future still lies ahead.
I would say although there are many divergences between both nations, their leaderships, especially Japanese administration, should have the courage to make a joint statement, proclaiming that China and Japan will never engage in war.
This could be one of the foundations on which both nations talk about concrete problems.
Li Ruoyu, assistant research fellow with the Institute of Japanese Studies, the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences:
One of the most considerable consequences of the First Sino-Japanese War is that it dramatically changed Japan and its people's mind about their country. Their condescending attitude toward China stems from that war, and it continues today.
Compared with the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression, the First Sino-Japanese War can more evidently reflect China and Japan's different mindsets toward that period of time.
Japanese textbooks and media stay away from using "invasion" or "aggression" to describe the war that happened 120 years ago. Usually, even the public sees it as a victory over a "backward civilization."
There is no way that we can sort out the impending issues concerning politics and sovereignty without finding common ground on history. This is probably the hardest part when dealing with Sino-Japanese relations.
