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Devolution in Pakistan Reform or Regression
By Bakhtawar Mian
Thursday, 09 Oct, 2008
ISLAMABAD, Oct 8: The devolution plan of the former president Gen ® Pervez Musharaf was aimed to weaken the civil services elite district management group (DMG) and pave way for the army to take over administrative powers at every level.
Targeting the DMG was also an attempt to capitalize on the division within the civilian bureaucracy in order to expand direct military control over administration, says the International Crises Group Report.
Devolution in Pakistan: Reform or Regression?, says that although the National Reconstruction Bureau (NRB), while justifying this restructuring, claimed that concentration of authority, particularly in the office of the deputy commissioner, creates the potential for arbitrariness, incessant delays, management and corruption in government operations. But critics say its most significant change was designed to weaken the most-coveted cadre of the civil bureaucracy, which virtually controls district administration, as well as top tier posts in the provincial and federal governments. The militarys decision to dilute its authority also resulted partly from strong opposition to the DMG amongst senior police and income tax officials, who occupied key posts in Musharafs secretariate, the report says.
The ICG Asia Report Devolution in Pakistan: Reform or Regression quotes an NRB document to support its claim that the local government system was meant to give an edge to military bureaucracy over the civil bureaucracy.
It says: The civil service is effectively controlled by the DMG. The group has close relations with international donors . . . Others groups in the public administration chafe under the control of one group and would welcome a democratization of civil service structure as a basic element of civil service reform. The end of the domination of the bureaucracy by one group is a necessary pre-condition for the attainment of administrative power by the Army and the creation of conditions for national reconstruction.
Following the 1999 coup, the military swiftly put its own people into key civil service institutions in the name of reducing corruption, introducing accountability, and monitoring government, the report says. Soon after taking over government, about 3500 military people were inserted into civilian bodies at the national, provincial, divisional and district levels as army monitoring reams promoted official abuse and belied the official rhetoric of citizen empowerment and devolution of power, the findings reveal.
According to the ICG Report, the spirit of devolution was also negated in a far more significant way. The local government plan was to be applied to the four provinces, but not to some 41 largely civilian populated cantonments (military garrisons) in towns and major cities, which would remain under the control of military station commanders. Cantonments are run under the Cantonment Act of 1924, which vests statutory control to the army. Even freedom of movement is often severely restricted in cantonments by military checkpoints, the study says.
Similarly, the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) was also not included in the devolution system, although this was left open for future review. Opposition from both tribal leaders was cited as the main reason but critics say the federal governments traditional aversion to public participation in the strategic border region played a part. The Federal Capital Territory was likewise left out.
A number of recommendations have been put forward which include placing the local government ordinance before each provincial government for review to create the necessary political acceptance of the scheme; holding local government elections on a party basis, with direct polls for district officials; and refraining from imposing political discipline on local officials and misusing them for political ends such as partisan electioneering.
Take steps towards decentralization from federal to provincial levels by reducing the number of federal ministries involved in and hence capable of exercising control over local government etc; devolving administrative and fiscal powers to local units, in particular by giving district governments greater control over budgetary resources and increasing allocations for development, especially in poorer districts.
The Report also recommends improvement in the delivery of justice in local government through security sector reform by expediting the formation and operationalisation of district, provincial and national safety commissions and police complaints authorities and such other measures which help in actually decentralising political and financial powers.
By Bakhtawar Mian
Thursday, 09 Oct, 2008
ISLAMABAD, Oct 8: The devolution plan of the former president Gen ® Pervez Musharaf was aimed to weaken the civil services elite district management group (DMG) and pave way for the army to take over administrative powers at every level.
Targeting the DMG was also an attempt to capitalize on the division within the civilian bureaucracy in order to expand direct military control over administration, says the International Crises Group Report.
Devolution in Pakistan: Reform or Regression?, says that although the National Reconstruction Bureau (NRB), while justifying this restructuring, claimed that concentration of authority, particularly in the office of the deputy commissioner, creates the potential for arbitrariness, incessant delays, management and corruption in government operations. But critics say its most significant change was designed to weaken the most-coveted cadre of the civil bureaucracy, which virtually controls district administration, as well as top tier posts in the provincial and federal governments. The militarys decision to dilute its authority also resulted partly from strong opposition to the DMG amongst senior police and income tax officials, who occupied key posts in Musharafs secretariate, the report says.
The ICG Asia Report Devolution in Pakistan: Reform or Regression quotes an NRB document to support its claim that the local government system was meant to give an edge to military bureaucracy over the civil bureaucracy.
It says: The civil service is effectively controlled by the DMG. The group has close relations with international donors . . . Others groups in the public administration chafe under the control of one group and would welcome a democratization of civil service structure as a basic element of civil service reform. The end of the domination of the bureaucracy by one group is a necessary pre-condition for the attainment of administrative power by the Army and the creation of conditions for national reconstruction.
Following the 1999 coup, the military swiftly put its own people into key civil service institutions in the name of reducing corruption, introducing accountability, and monitoring government, the report says. Soon after taking over government, about 3500 military people were inserted into civilian bodies at the national, provincial, divisional and district levels as army monitoring reams promoted official abuse and belied the official rhetoric of citizen empowerment and devolution of power, the findings reveal.
According to the ICG Report, the spirit of devolution was also negated in a far more significant way. The local government plan was to be applied to the four provinces, but not to some 41 largely civilian populated cantonments (military garrisons) in towns and major cities, which would remain under the control of military station commanders. Cantonments are run under the Cantonment Act of 1924, which vests statutory control to the army. Even freedom of movement is often severely restricted in cantonments by military checkpoints, the study says.
Similarly, the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) was also not included in the devolution system, although this was left open for future review. Opposition from both tribal leaders was cited as the main reason but critics say the federal governments traditional aversion to public participation in the strategic border region played a part. The Federal Capital Territory was likewise left out.
A number of recommendations have been put forward which include placing the local government ordinance before each provincial government for review to create the necessary political acceptance of the scheme; holding local government elections on a party basis, with direct polls for district officials; and refraining from imposing political discipline on local officials and misusing them for political ends such as partisan electioneering.
Take steps towards decentralization from federal to provincial levels by reducing the number of federal ministries involved in and hence capable of exercising control over local government etc; devolving administrative and fiscal powers to local units, in particular by giving district governments greater control over budgetary resources and increasing allocations for development, especially in poorer districts.
The Report also recommends improvement in the delivery of justice in local government through security sector reform by expediting the formation and operationalisation of district, provincial and national safety commissions and police complaints authorities and such other measures which help in actually decentralising political and financial powers.
