William Hung
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@Genesis @LeveragedBuyout
We were debating before about the rise of China in The Unsatisfied Power thread. Basically Genesis and I agreed to disagree, I think.
I've just came across this article and thought it might be of interest to those who had participated in that debate. The author has managed to express what I was trying to argue for, in a much more concise and elegant manner.
This is a copyrighted article so I've only quoted part of the intro and conclusion (and also changed the title of the thread).
We were debating before about the rise of China in The Unsatisfied Power thread. Basically Genesis and I agreed to disagree, I think.
I've just came across this article and thought it might be of interest to those who had participated in that debate. The author has managed to express what I was trying to argue for, in a much more concise and elegant manner.
China bids for prime regional economic position
By Christian Le Miere
Jane's Intelligence Review, (Nov 27, 2014)
Introduction
The 10-11 November Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) forum, held in Beijing, was a showcase for
China's growing regional influence.
APEC was the latest example of a series of policies Beijing has pursued over the past year to develop an
alternative, 'Sino-centric' regional order to challenge the current system led by the United States.
However, there remain challenges to China being able to usurp Washington's position, particularly because of
the lack of an ideology or vision that remains attractive to regional states.
Conclusion
The strategy to develop a Sino-centric regional order that would exclude the US will nevertheless encounter two
principal problems. First, there is a lack of clarity over what the order would look like, and what the rules and
norms would be. Regional concerns are raised by the notion that Beijing is seeking a return to a historical norm
by developing a system of vassal states, in a neo-imperial system.
During the Ming (1368-1644) and Qing (1644-1912) dynasties, the Chinese imperial system developed a Sino-
centric regional order that entailed weaker states paying tribute to the Chinese emperor in return for a
guarantee of security. This system was supported by a view that China remained the most important state in the
region, if not the world, and had a divine right to its central position. Other states were not seen as equal to the
Middle Kingdom (zhong guo).
This stands in stark contrast to the post-war system, in which every state - at least theoretically - has complete
sovereignty. Regional states, fearful of Chinese chauvinism demonstrated in recent policies such as in the
South China Sea, may well distrust a Sino-centric order.
Second, various states in the region clearly still favour a sustained and robust US presence. Whether that is one
of the five mutual security partners Washington has in East Asia, such as the Philippines (which regularly notes
the desirability of a US presence at ASEAN meetings), or new potential partners, such as Vietnam (against
which a US arms embargo was relaxed in October), these states are fearful that a powerful China may impinge
upon their political sovereignty.
As a result, although it is inevitable that China will have a growing influence in Asia purely as a result of its
economic growth and greater dominance of regional trade, resistance remains among regional states to ceding
greater political influence to Beijing.
This dichotomy of having China as a primary trade partner and the US as a primary security partner may be
uncomfortable for some regional states. However, unless Beijing is able to offer a world view that is as attractive
as that offered by the US - and that will include pursuing non-assertive policies over maritime disputes and the
freedom of navigation - it is unlikely to be able to oust the position of Washington within the region.
This is a copyrighted article so I've only quoted part of the intro and conclusion (and also changed the title of the thread).