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America's "We" Problem

Dubious

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Posted: 02/14/2014 2:57 pm EST Updated: 02/14/2014 2:59 pm EST

America has a serious "We" problem -- as in "Why should we pay for them?"

The question is popping up all over the place. It underlies the debate over extending unemployment benefits to the long-term unemployed and providing food stamps to the poor.

It's found in the resistance of some young and healthy people to being required to buy health insurance in order to help pay for people with preexisting health problems.

It can be heard among the residents of upscale neighborhoods who don't want their tax dollars going to the inhabitants of poorer neighborhoods nearby.

The pronouns "we" and "they" are the most important of all political words. They demarcate who's within the sphere of mutual responsibility, and who's not. Someone within that sphere who's needy is one of "us" -- an extension of our family, friends, community, tribe -- and deserving of help. But needy people outside that sphere are "them," presumed undeserving unless proved otherwise.

The central political question faced by any nation or group is where the borders of this sphere of mutual responsibility are drawn.

Why in recent years have so many middle-class and wealthy Americans pulled the borders in closer?

The middle-class and wealthy citizens of East Baton Rouge Parish, Louisiana, for example, are trying to secede from the school district they now share with poorer residents of town, and set up their own district funded by property taxes from their higher-valued homes.

Similar efforts are underway in Memphis, Atlanta, and Dallas. Over the past two years, two wealthy suburbs of Birmingham, Alabama, have left the countywide school system in order to set up their own.

Elsewhere, upscale school districts are voting down state plans to raise their taxes in order to provide more money to poor districts, as they did recently in Colorado.

"Why should we pay for them?" is also reverberating in wealthy places like Oakland County, Michigan, that border devastatingly poor places like Detroit.

"Now, all of a sudden, they're having problems and they want to give part of the responsibility to the suburbs?" says L. Brooks Paterson, the Oakland County executive. "They're not gonna talk me into being the good guy. 'Pick up your share?' Ha ha."

But had the official boundary been drawn differently so that it encompassed both Oakland County and Detroit -- say, to create a Greater Detroit region -- the two places would form a "we" whose problems Oakland's more affluent citizens would have some responsibility to address.

What's going on?

One obvious explanation involves race. Detroit is mostly black; Oakland County, mostly white. The secessionist school districts in the South are almost entirely white; the neighborhoods they're leaving behind, mostly black.

But racism has been with us from the start. Although some southern school districts are seceding in the wake of the ending of court-ordered desegregation, race alone can't explain the broader national pattern. According to Census Bureau numbers,two-thirds of Americans below the poverty line at any given point identify themselves as white.

Another culprit is the increasing economic stress felt by most middle-class Americans. Median household incomes are dropping and over three-quarters of Americans report they're living paycheck to paycheck.

It's easier to be generous and expansive about the sphere of "we" when incomes are rising and future prospects seem even better, as during the first three decades after World War II when America declared war on poverty and expanded civil rights. But since the late 1970s, as most paychecks have flattened or declined, adjusted for inflation, many in the stressed middle no longer want to pay for "them."

Yet this doesn't explain why so many wealthy America's are also exiting. They've never been richer. Surely they can afford a larger "we." But most of today's rich adamantly refuse to pay anything close to the tax rate America's wealthy accepted forty years ago.

Perhaps it's because, as inequality has widened and class divisions have hardened, America's wealthy no longer have any idea how the other half lives.

Being rich in today's America means not having to come across anyone who isn't. Exclusive prep schools, elite colleges, private jets, gated communities, tony resorts, symphony halls and opera houses, and vacation homes in the Hamptons and other exclusive vacation sites all insulate them from the rabble.

America's wealthy increasingly inhabit a different country from the one "they" inhabit, and America's less fortunate seem as foreign as do the needy inhabitants of another country.

The first step in widening the sphere of "we" is to break down the barriers -- not just of race, but also, increasingly, of class, and of geographical segregation by income -- that are pushing "we Americans" further and further apart.

America's "We" Problem | Robert Reich
 
Whatever - still we the Americans rule the world and will continue ruling at least till the end of this century. Inshallah:agree:

May Allah(S.W.T) bless the US.:usflag:
 
So, other than taking potshots at the OP, I see no one else has contributed anything substantive to the topic.

Robert Reich is a hardcore leftist and a prominent Democrat -- he was Bill Clinton's Labor Sec -- so his views are predictable. However, he does raise valid points about an individual's responsibilities to society in general. The attitudes he describes are present in all societies, albeit to a lesser extent perhaps in the more socially democratic leaning countries of Western Europe.

I believe he answers his own question: It's easier to be generous and expansive about the sphere of "we" when incomes are rising and future prospects seem even better

The scope of the "we" sphere is a barometer of people's optimism about the future. A "circling of the wagons" is a defensive posture in anticipation of trouble ahead.
 
So, other than taking potshots at the OP, I see no one else has contributed anything substantive to the topic.

Robert Reich is a hardcore leftist and a prominent Democrat -- he was Bill Clinton's Labor Sec -- so his views are predictable. However, he does raise valid points about an individual's responsibilities to society in general. The attitudes he describes are present in all societies, albeit to a lesser extent perhaps in the more socially democratic leaning countries of Western Europe.

I believe he answers his own question: It's easier to be generous and expansive about the sphere of "we" when incomes are rising and future prospects seem even better

The scope of the "we" sphere is a barometer of people's optimism about the future. A "circling of the wagons" is a defensive posture in anticipation of trouble ahead.

It is even simpler than that - it is far easier to be charitable with other people's money rather than one's own.
 
It is even simpler than that - it is far easier to be charitable with other people's money rather than one's own.

Things are never that simple.

"one's own money" is not earned in a vacuum: it is earned in the context of a social contract backed by a legal framework which places constraints upon ownership and use of that money.

Part of the social contract is to contribute towards common activities. Thus, one does not use "one's own money" to hire personal police officers, or build a personal highway, or design personal aircraft carriers. Instead, one pays into a common fund (taxes) from which such services are provided.

The debate is always about how much responsibility one has to contribute to the common fund in order to enjoy the privileges of earning said money within that society.

At one extreme, you have countries like Pakistan where almost no one pays taxes and the communal services like police, education, and infrastructure are left in a decrepit state.

At the other end, we have the Scandinavian countries.
 
Things are never that simple.

"one's own money" is not earned in a vacuum: it is earned in the context of a social contract backed by a legal framework which places constraints upon ownership and use of that money.

Part of the social contract is to contribute towards common activities. Thus, one does not use "one's own money" to hire personal police officers, or build a personal highway, or design personal aircraft carriers. Instead, one pays into a common fund (taxes) from which such services are provided.

The debate is always about how much responsibility one has to contribute to the common fund in order to enjoy the privileges of earning said money within that society.

At one extreme, you have countries like Pakistan where almost no one pays taxes and the communal services like police, education, and infrastructure are left in a decrepit state.

At the other end, we have the Scandinavian countries.

All of that is correct, but at issue is the level of equity that each taxpayer is asked to provide and how progressive the taxation system is at the end of the day. Those who earn more should pay more, but getting the balance correct of "how much more" is an age-old debate.
 
All of that is correct, but at issue is the level of equity that each taxpayer is asked to provide and how progressive the taxation system is at the end of the day. Those who earn more should pay more, but getting the balance correct of "how much more" is an age-old debate.

Correct, which brings us back to the OP and Reich's claim that there is a perceptible shift in the American psyche towards less social democracy.

The question, of course, is whether Reich is right and there is such a shift and, if so, the reasons behind it.
 
Correct, which brings us back to the OP and Reich's claim that there is a perceptible shift in the American psyche towards less social democracy.

The question, of course, is whether Reich is right and there is such a shift and, if so, the reasons behind it.

Such changes in perception are cyclic in nature and swing back and forth fairly regularly. The important thing to realize is that the system self-regulates to seek a stable median within a short time, and therefore there is no need to make much out of such time-limited variations.
 
Such changes in perception are cyclic in nature and swing back and forth fairly regularly. The important thing to realize is that the system self-regulates to seek a stable median within a short time, and therefore there is no need to make much out of such time-limited variations.

There is no such thing as a "stable median". Different societies find their place along the continuum. I gave the example of Pakistan and Scandinavian countries above. The US lies between the two extremes, and the question remains open whether there is a shift in either direction.
 
There is no such thing as a "stable median". Different societies find their place along the continuum. I gave the example of Pakistan and Scandinavian countries above. The US lies between the two extremes, and the question remains open whether there is a shift in either direction.

But that is exactly my point. USA tends to over-react and then slowly returns back towards its stable median in most matters, until the next perturbation. There are very few shifts that are permanent.
 
Here is an interesting read on this topic:


===============================

Opinion: The rich are so clueless - CNN.com

The rich are so clueless
By Jennifer Erickson
updated 11:45 AM EST, Sat February 15, 2014

Editor's note: Jennifer Erickson is the director of Competitiveness and Economic Growth at the Center for American Progress.

(CNN) -- Venture capitalist Tom Perkins is back in the news with a big (and ridiculous) idea: If you pay a million dollars in taxes, you should get a million votes. While some media outlets have since pointed out that Perkins was perhaps courting controversy, his system of wealthier Americans having more say at the ballot box follows an equally bizarre argument this week from Bud Konheim, CEO of luxury retailer Nicole Miller.

Konheim took a different tack on the inequality debate, asserting instead that all Americans are wealthy. According to Konheim, "We've got a country that the poverty level is wealth in 99% of the rest of the world. So we're talking about woe is me, woe is us, woe is this. ... The guy that's making, oh my God, $35,000 a year. ... Why don't we try that out in India or some country we can't even name ... China, anyplace -- that guy is wealthy."

For now, it's safe enough to assume that Perkins' dollar-a-vote initiative is unlikely to take off. But Konheim's argument actually falls into a growing category -- members of the wealthiest income group in the country trying to convince average Americans that they, too, are all very wealthy.

Last summer, a commercial funded by the conservative Charles Koch Foundation tried to persuade people that the middle class in America is actually rich by pointing out that someone making over $34,000 -- a decidedly middle-class income -- was part of "the wealthiest 1% in the world."

Seriously? Let's look more closely at this idea that the poor -- or even the middle class -- in America are actually wealthy.

Konheim's argument probably does not hold much weight among millions of Americans who skipped filling a prescription in 2012 because of the costs, according to Commonwealth Fund's Biennial Health Insurance Survey. Nor does it likely ring true for many in the middle class who are trying to buy a home at a time when home prices have doubled since 1970. And let's not forget the cost of a public four-year college education, which has risen by an eye-watering 250% over the past 30 years.

The federal poverty level in the United States for a family of four is $23,550, significantly less than estimated living expenses. More than 3 million Americans earn the minimum wage or lower, and today's minimum wage has 30% less buying power in real terms than the minimum wage in 1968. Or put another way, someone on minimum wage would have to work for more than 130 hours to buy the $950 dress that Konheim's company is selling right now at Saks Fifth Avenue.

To be sure, Americans do not need to buy luxury dresses. But they do need to buy food. And according to the U.S. Department of Agriculture, more than 14% of Americans were food insecure at some point in 2012. In other words, in the wealthiest country on Earth, millions of Americans could not be sure where their next meal was coming from. And poverty is much more prevalent than you might think -- more than half of Americans between the ages of 25 and 64 will spend a year of their lives in or near poverty.

As worrisome as these statistics are on U.S. poverty levels, there is also alarming data about the state of the middle class.

Median incomes in America are actually lower now than they were in 2000, and household debt levels have skyrocketed. If we look at millennials -- the youngest part of our workforce -- there were 10 million of them who were unemployed or underemployed last summer, more than the entire population of New York City.

Comparisons Konheim would have us make with developing countries miss the point. The United States is not a developing country, and it does not serve us well to try to ignore the real difficulties of many Americans. So the question is not whether a full-time retail worker earning $14,000 in Texas is better off than a full-time retail worker in India, or even whether a household with $34,000 in Philadelphia is doing better than many families in China. The question is whether the economic conditions we have now are serving us -- all of us -- well.

And the answer to that is: not really. Or, more positively: We can certainly do better.

Economic growth in the United States is lagging behind our historical average, and unemployment five years from the Great Recession is still too high. And the American Dream, the notion that if you work hard and play by the rules you can get ahead, is taking a serious knock when economic mobility -- the ability to move from the wealth you were born to another level -- is lower in the United States than in countries like Canada and Germany.

Doing better for all Americans is not about creating divisions between income levels. And it's certainly not about trying to convince workers who are struggling to pay their rent that they are actually rich.

Simply put, doing better for all Americans -- the wealthiest included -- and growing our economy in a sustainable way requires a growing and vibrant middle class that is contributing to an innovative and entrepreneurial workforce, while providing a stable source of economic demand. In short, we need Americans to be both productive workers and reliable consumers.

Acknowledging the very real struggles many of our fellow Americans face is not just a moral imperative, it is also an economic one. And we can't have a constructive conversation about how we improve the country's economy if we ignore the difficult realities facing many Americans today.

Konheim and Perkins can disparage their fellow citizens all they want, but the truth is that the American economy will do better when more Americans are doing better.
 
America is no better than the rest of the world in this regard, this trend is prevalent all over the planet, in very country there are the elites and the average citizens, economic inequality is a global issue and it will continue to grow in an increasing capitalistic world, the rich get richer on the poor's blood and the poor are left more anemic than they were before, we need to look into ourselves as human beings as to if we are willing to end this cycle of corporate exploitation, I personally see no future without economic disparity but the least we can do is minimize it.....:coffee:

PS: I am not a communist :D
 

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