Narendra Modi said teach Muslims a lesson: IPS officer

[RoYaL~GuJJaR]

Gujarat Ranked Top Investment Destination in India

According to the ASSOCHAM Investment Meter (AIM) assessment report for corporate investments across states and sectors, released on 19 December 2010, the total investment plans of India Inc. increased from 7,971,464 crore rupees in 2009 to 10,097,472 crore rupees during the period of April-September, 2010.

As per ASSOCHAM report, Gujarat remained as the top investment destination among the Indian states, registering the highest share of 13.2 percent in domestic investment plans during the period of April-September, 2010. Gujarat attracted the investment plans worth of 1330743 crores, 17.3 percent higher than the total investment during the last year. The majority of investment plans were in the power, manufacturing and services sector of the state.

According to ASSOCHAM, Maharashtra was ranked number 2 investment destination after Gujarat. Maharashtra received 11.4 percent share of the total investments made during April-September 2010-11. The state attracted investment plans of 1154197 crore during that period. The Services and Real Estate were the sectors that got the majority share of the investments.

Orissa got the third position with 11.2 percent share of the total investments because of its rich mineral sources like coal and iron and easily available cheap labour. Orissa received investment amounting to 1134716 crore during the period April-September of the financial year 2010-11. The state recorded an increase of 20 percent in overall investments over the last year. As sectors, Manufacturing and Power companies received the large share of the investments.

Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh were ranked at fourth and fifth positions according to AIM assessment report. Karnataka received investment of 915060 crore rupees while Andhra got 866776 crore rupees. Karnataka had a share of 9.1 percent of the total investments. The Manufacture emerged as the prominent sector for receiving investment. Steel, real estate and textiles also received a fare share.

As per ASSOCHAM study, Power sector attracted the maximum investments of worth 3643883 crore rupees with a share of 35.4 percent of the total investment made across the country during April-September of current fiscal year.
The Manufacturing sector registered a growth of 26.3 percent during the period April-September 2010. Services sector emerged as the third priority sector which attracted investments of Rs. 2,162,950 crore, contributing 21.0 per cent in overall investments made during the concerned period.
According to ASSOCHAM estimates, other sectors which recorded significant corporate investments during April-September of 2010-11 were, Real Estate which attracted Rs. 1,172,823 crore (11.4 per cent), Mining Rs. 308,716 crore (3.0 per cent) and Irrigation Rs. 301,350 crore (2.9 per cent).

 

[53fd]

---------- Post added at 04:04 PM ---------- Previous post was at 04:04 PM ----------

www.outlookindia.com | One Side Of The Divide

 

[RoYaL~GuJJaR]

Gujarat May See Rs 60,000-cr Investment In Cement

Gujaratstartups, AHMEDABAD: Gujarat plans to treble its cement production capacity in 3-5 years. Proposals have been invited from cement companies like ACC , ABG, Ambuja Cement, Emami , Indiabulls, Adani group, Ultratech and L&T and the state hopes to raise its capacity from 20 million tonnes per annum to 70 million tonne.
The state will host the biennial Vibrant Gujarat Global Summit in January 2011 and a government official said cement sector could see investment proposals worth Rs 60,000 crore.
Gujarat has 12,000 million tonnes of reserves of limestone, the mineral used as raw material for manufacturing cement. Leveraging on this natural resource, the department of industries and mines had recently asked for specific plans from the companies willing to invest
in the sector.
"We will make Gujarat cement capital of India by adding 50 million tonnes of capacity in next five years," said Saurabh Patel, minister of state for Industries and Mines during a conference organised by Industrial Extention Bureau (iNDEXTb), the investment promotion agency of Gujarat and industry body Confederation of Indian Industries (CII).
With annual capacity of 20 million tonnes Gujarat ranks fourth in the country in terms of cement production. The major producers include Larsen and Tubro (4 million tonnes at Mahuva), Sanghi Cement (5 million tonnes), Ambuja Cement (4 million tonnes), Saurashtra Cement (1.5 million tonnes), Grasim (2 million tonnes at Jafrabad), Siddhi
Cement (2 million tonnes).
Jaypee Group is coming up with a 4 million tonnes plant and ABG will set up a 2.5 million tonnes per annum plant. Ambuja Cements is also expanding its capacity and Indiabulls proposed setting up of 8 million tonnes per annum cement plant in Kutch with an estimated investment of Rs 4,000 crore.
Recently new reserves for limestone have been discovered in Kutch district. "The new reserves have created an opportunity for setting up new projects. Responding to our initiatives a number of companies, including ACC, ABG, Ambuja Cements and others have expressed their interest," said a senior official in the department.
"We are contemplating a 3 million tonnes per annum capacity plant at Abdasa in Kutch district. We will be investing Rs 700 crore in the project," said Shivamurthi Swamy, DGM of Ambuja Cement Limited.
As per the new limestone policy, cement companies are mandated to return 3% of their annual production to the state government for building social infrastructure in backward areas. This will release additional 1.5 million tonnes of cement in the social sector.
Source: The Economic Times

 

[53fd]

TCN Impact: Media corners Modi on Muslims ad
Submitted by admin4 on 12 June 2010 - 6:49pm
India Politics Indian Muslim
By Mumtaz Alam Falahi, TwoCircles.net,

Patna: Within hours of TwoCircles.net exposing the lie of the Gujarat government of Narendra Modi in the one-page ‘Muslims shining’ ad appeared in Patna dailies on June 10, the issue has become a big news, bigger than the BJP National Executive meet that is going on here in Bihar’s capital. All major newspapers and TV channels are highlighting the story.

The ad claiming shining life of Muslims in Gujarat had a picture of Muslim girls learning computer. Interestingly the picture was not from Gujarat. The lie was exposed by TCN as the picture was shot by this TCN correspondent during his November 2008 visit to Azamgarh. The picture was first time used by this website on November 24, 2008 in the Azamgarh story titled “Muslim girls in Azamgarh getting higher education, giving tough fight to boys”. The picture was of girl students of Shibli National College. They were working on computer in the computer department of the college. So, to claim progress of Muslims in Gujarat the Modi government had to take a photo from Azamgarh. Yes, the Azamgarh town of Uttar Pradesh that has been in the news for terrorism. The same government of Modi has made accused scores of youths from the town in various terror cases.



The Times of India today in its story titled “Modi ad passes off UP Muslims as Gujaratis” says “There is a controversy brewing over one of the pictures used in these full-page advertisements issued in Bihar dailies to project a Muslim-friendly image of chief minister Narendra Modi in Bihar before his visit to Patna for attending BJP national executive meeting. Without naming, the paper says TCN has claimed for the copyright of the picture.

“A news website has claimed the copyright of the picture of young girls working on computers saying that it was of Muslim students in Azamgarh in UP and not Gujarat. The website claims that it was clicked by their photographer in UP for use with a story titled, "Muslim girls in Azamgarh getting higher education, giving tough fight to boys." The website has put up a large picture, which it claims to be the original one and is identical to the one used in the ad. What's more, the website has embedded a link of the earlier story published on November 24, 2008, to substantiate its claim.

"As the ad is about Muslims' progress in Gujarat one can expect the pictures are also from the state... Neither the girls are Gujarati, nor was the picture shot in Gujarat. In fact, it is a picture of Azamgarh's Shibli College girls attending a computer class in the college campus...," says the website,’ the paper says.

 

[53fd]

‘Gujarat was vibrant long before Narendra Modi’
By churumuri
“A lie repeated many times becomes the Truth” in the modern age sans any media scrutiny.

So, it follows that milk and honey, and power and water flow in Gujarat because of Narendra Damodardas Modi. So, it follows that “growth” and “development” have sky-rocketed in the State, because of Narendra Damodardas Modi. And so it follows that India Inc wants Narendra Damodardas Modi to be the next prime minister and so on.

And woe unto those who question or disagree. Plague upon them.

Really?

The sociologist Dipankar Gupta doesn’t agree. Gujarat was already among the top three in the country within 30 years of being created, he writes in today’s Times of India. Over 35% of its infrastructural augmentation for power generation happened between 1995 and 2000, before Narendra Damodardas Modi came to power.

“Gujarat grew at approximately 12 per cent in 2006-07 against India’s overall growth of about 8 per cent that year. Fantastic, said Montek Singh Ahluwalia, and lauded Gujarat’s achievement…. But wait! What is so great about this statistic?

“In 1994-95, Gujarat surged at the rate of 13.2 per cent. Where was Modi then? In the years between 1994 and 2001, Gujarat’s state domestic product registered a growth average of 10-13 per cent. At the tail end of this period Modi stepped in as chief minister….

“[W]hat is so dazzling about Gujarat’s current prosperity? Nothing really.

“In spite of decades of growth as usual, as much as 93 per cent of Gujarat’s workforce toils in the informal sector. This is why growth is not always development. In fact, on the Human Development Index, Gujarat fell one place in 2003-04, and now ranks below Kerala, Punjab, Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra and Karnataka. In terms of rural prosperity Gujarat is at number five and well behind Punjab, the front ranker…. Workers employed under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme in Gujarat receive half of what their counterparts get elsewhere.

“Ernst & Young, consultants for the 2005 Vibrant Gujarat conclave, ranked Gujarat’s investment climate behind that of Kerala, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, and on par with Karnataka’s. In terms of Workforce Quality, however, the same professionals gave Gujarat a very average “B grade” as it failed to measure up on a number of counts.”

 

[RoYaL~GuJJaR]

Gujarat to make 50 green towns
December 18, 2010


The Government of Gujarat is mulling to
take up a pilot project to makeover the
urban infrastructure by pushing clean and
green concept for 50 towns in the state,
marking the Golden jubilee celebration of
the formation of the stateUnder this pilot project, waste water
management and solid waste management
will be carried out making this project a
viable revenue model.
“I have also made a proposal to the Prime
Minister to implement this clean and green
city project in about 500 cities of the
country with a viable revenue model,” said
Mr. Narendra Modi, Honourable Chief
Minister of Gujarat.
He further added, “I would not like to wait
whether the Government of India would
implement it or not, Gujarat will surely take
the initiative.”
Mr. Modi was
speaking at the
10
th
National
Convention of
Real Estate
Industry
organized by the
Confederation
of Real Estate
Developers
Association(CREDAI) on the
theme “Home
for All – Working Together”.
Under the ‘Swarnim Jayanti Mukhya Mantri
Shaheri Vikas Yojana’, Gujarat has focused
on towns and cities including JnNURM
mission cities.
The state has also approved Rs. 2,050 crore
for constructing 1.3 lakh houses for urban
poor, out of which 64,000 units have been
completed and 33,000 are under progress.
The Honourable Chief Minister also
emphasized on cluster-based township
development with facilities of urban
infrastructure and keeping intact the soul of
rural culture.
This is the innovative ‘RURBAN’ concept of
Government of Gujarat whereby rural areas
are provided infrastructure facilities and
public amenities equivalent to urban areas.

 

[53fd]

The Credit's Misplaced
DIPANKAR GUPTA, , Jan 31, 2009, 12.00am IST
Gujarat grew at approximately 12 per cent in 2006-07 against India's overall growth of about 8 per cent that year. Fantastic, said Montek Singh Ahluwalia, and lauded Gujarat's achievement. He must have stuttered on this praise, because all credit on this score would go to Narendra Modi.

But wait! What is so great about this statistic? In 1994-95, Gujarat surged at the rate of 13.2 per cent. Where was Modi then? In the years between 1994 and 2001, Gujarat's state domestic product registered a growth average of 10-13 per cent. At the tail end of this period Modi stepped in as chief minister. What then has Modi done that is so special?

Let us take a long look at Gujarat. This state was already among the top three in India by 1990. It took Gujarat 20 years after it was created in 1960 to climb up from the eighth rank to the third spot. Twenty years of hard work, led primarily by Congress governments, it may be added. Over 35 per cent of its infrastructural augmentation for power generation happened between 1995-2000. If Gujarat today can show off its treasure chest, it should gratefully remember its pre-Modi past.

Besides other riches, Gujarat processes 49 per cent of the country's petroleum products. It also has India's largest shipyard in Bhavnagar, as well as the giant Reliance refineries in Jamnagar. Even on something as pedestrian as soda ash, Gujarat is responsible for 90 per cent of India's production. All this happened well before Modi cut his political incisors.

So what is so dazzling about Gujarat's current prosperity? Nothing really. In spite of decades of growth as usual, as much as 93 per cent of Gujarat's workforce toils in the informal sector. This is why growth is not always development. In fact, on the Human Development Index, Gujarat fell one place in 2003-04, and now ranks below Kerala, Punjab, Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra and Karnataka. In terms of rural prosperity Gujarat is at number five and well behind Punjab, the front ranker.

Now this is a hard one. Workers employed under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme in Gujarat receive half of what their counterparts get elsewhere. Interestingly, this fact was recently released by a parliamentary committee headed by Kalyan Singh, who was then with the BJP.

 

[RoYaL~GuJJaR]

Gujarat chemical units sign MoU with IndoAfrican Chamber
December 17, 2010



The Gujarat Chemical Association (GCA)
signed a Memorandum of Understanding
(MoU) with the Indo-African Chamber of
Commerce and Industries (IACCI) for
promoting bilateral trade, especially for the
Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs).
The MoU will also serve as a platform for
promoting technology transfer, joint
ventures and investments in the chemical
sector.
The MoU was inked at the
Global Chemical Leaders’
Summit (GCLS) 2010, which
began in the run-up to the
Vibrant Gujarat 2011
Summit.
“Gujarat constitutes nearly
52% of the national chemical
production with the presence
of big players such as ONGC,
Reliance, Essar, TATA Chemicals, Indian Oil
and GAIL” said Mr. Saurabhbhai Patel,
Honourable Minister of State for Industries.
“GCLS 2010 demonstrates the wealth of
opportunities open for the small and
medium chemical units in the state to
supply to these giants” he added.

 

[53fd]

Ernst & Young, consultants for the 2005 Vibrant Gujarat conclave, ranked Gujarat's investment climate behind that of Kerala, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, and on par with Karnataka's. In terms of Workforce Quality, however, the same professionals gave Gujarat a very average "B grade" as it failed to measure up on a number of counts. It may be recalled in this connection that the Asian Development Bank in 1996 had ranked Gujarat as number two in India in terms of its investment climate. But in 2005, it was rated at number five. Perhaps the 2002 riots had something to do with this.


Why then does it seem that Modi invented Gujarat's golden wheel when it was already spinning? There are probably two reasons for this. The first is the simplistic assumption that all communalists are intellectual clunks who can't hold two ends of a book together. Modi was read as a one-talent wonder, good at leading riots from the front, but little else. Hence, Gujarat would soon show negative economic figures and, before long, its heirloom would be up for sale. But when that did not happen, Modi's skills at bookkeeping, rather than bloodletting, began to draw attention. Instead of serving just death by culture, Modi cleverly stirred Gujarati garv (pride) into the pot. This made the state's usual growth rates taste nicely different.

It was Modi's highly personalised executive style, rather than his tidy store minding that attracted Indian corporates. They gave as much thought to Gujarat slipping in the development index as they would a drain inspector's report. What mattered to them was the manner of delivery. Modi did not just give Nano shelter, but also readied permits for Ratan Tata in three days flat. Democratic stage fright? Never heard of it. Here was a man who could bend the law at will, but you had to be good to him. Sweetening politicians is easier than playing by the book.

So when Modi welcomed private capital to Gujarat, many Indian entrepreneurs, big and small, rushed to his side. They had at last found the patron they always longed for. The one feature that has endured India's liberalisation regime is the way our native entrepreneurs crave for political goodwill and protection. It was not as if only the riff-raff ran to Modi, the big shots did too. And some of them were regular four-star generals of corporate governance. So much for business ethics.

True, Modi is partial to business, but this isn't news either. Gujarat consistently attracted a disproportionate slice of India's private investment. But Modi's tune was hard to resist not because it was new but because he delivered it with a bang.

The first to sing along was Anil Ambani. After splitting from his brother he found an uncle in Amar Singh. But today he is a card-holding Modi groupie. In the Vibrant Gujarat conclave he even advocated him as India's future prime minister. Sunil Mittal soon joined in, and then the chorus began. CEOs now look at Modi just as ancient Israelis must have looked at Moses. Beauty, in such cases, does not lie in the eyes of the beholder. It rather lies in the eyes of the beholden.

 

[Ajaxpaul]

Gujarat Govt Approve 1 Lakh Crore Investment in Dholera Special Investment Region | Gujarat Development News, Analysis

 

[RoYaL~GuJJaR]

Ahmedabad to house Asia's biggest cancer hospital
December 16, 2010

The Gujarat Cancer Society,
one of the oldest public
charitable trusts in the country announced
a fund raiser event for their ambitious
project of building Asia's largest cancer care
centre.
“We are building a new super-specialty
cancer hospital on 25 acres of land. The
hospital will have a total capacity of 1,650
beds, making it one of the largest cancer
treatment facilities in Asia,” said Mr. Pankaj
Shah, Director of the Gujarat Cancer
Society.
“A self-financed medical college will also be
operational from August next year,” he
said.
Established in 1960, the Gujarat Cancer
Society has been instrumental in creating
initial infrastructure for cancer care in
Gujarat. The event will also celebrate the
50th anniversary of the Society.
“More than 1.5 lakh people in Gujarat are
currently afflicted with cancer. The existing
cancer hospitals in Gujarat are running at
near 100% bed occupancy levels,” said Mr.
Pankaj Patel, Executive Chairman and Vice
President of the Gujarat Cancer Society
“The project is estimated to cost around Rs.
300 crore,” he added.

 

[SpArK]

I was looking for this 2005 ranking... thanks..That was the last time some states had a better score..

Keep going...

 

[53fd]

Dr Modi and Mr Hyde

204
Share

On the very day that Lalu Yadav marched to the Prime Minister's residence demanding Narendra Modi's arrest in the wake of the Tehelka sting expose, a small group of Sikh widows were protesting at the Capital's Jantar Mantar on the 23rd anniversary of the anti-Sikh riots. One eye on the television cameras, the other firmly on the Muslim vote, Lalu was making the headlines. The Sikh widows were yesterday's story. While the 2002 Gujarat riots have become a cause celebre for the secular establishment, 1984 has never quite acquired the same profile.

On the face of it, the anti-Sikh riots were far more horrific than the post-Godhra violence. More than 2,700 people were killed in 1984 as per the official death toll, in Gujarat it was a little over a thousand. The '84 riots have seen just 13 convictions, in Gujarat, the fast track courts have already convicted more than 15 persons in different cases. The 84 riots occurred in several high security areas in the heart of the national Capital, the 2002 violence was spread across large stretches of Gujarat. As a powerful recent book When A Tree Shook Delhi confirms, senior Congress politicians, including union ministers, were actually present on the streets, allegedly leading the mobs in 1984; in Gujarat, the direct evidence against the Modi cabinet members is still based principally on police phone records. While then prime minister Atal Behari Vajpayee did make some token attempt to distance himself from the Gujarat rioters, it took a Sikh Congress prime minister in 2005 to finally accept that 1984 was a "national shame", and that the truth had never come out. Rajiv Gandhi's statement that, "when a big tree falls, the earth shakes" is recorded history; Narendra Modi's "action-reaction" comment was officially denied.

Why then is Modi such a hate figure today for the secularists while Rajiv Gandhi, then home minister, Narasimha Rao, and the entire top Congress leadership has escaped public censure? The answer might unlock not just the Modi enigma, but also the content of Indian secularism, and perhaps indicate just how much India has changed in the last two decades. Firstly, in 1984 the Indian judiciary was perhaps a little less adversarial towards the politician than it is today, and certainly less pro-active in driving the political agenda. There was no Supreme Court as willing to directly indict the political leadership as it is today: Modi was likened to Nero by Chief Justice VN Khare; in 1984, the Supreme Court would have probably seen such a remark as a transgression of judicial authority.

Secondly, the human rights activists were perhaps far less organized in 1984 than they are today. The ability to create a sustained moral and legal pressure on the system, to network with other NGOs and to cultivate the media is perhaps far greater now than it was in 1984, although many groups like the PUCL and PUDR as well as the Nagrik Ekta Manch did embark on processions and fact finding missions. A Teesta Setalvad can actually become a rallying point for those seeking justice in a manner that was perhaps not possible 23 years ago.

Thirdly, and most crucially, the 2002 riots were the first in the age of round the clock 'live' television. Gujarat was India's first television riot. There was remarkable journalism done in the 80s (as also after Ayodhya), but somehow the power and sanctity of the written word cannot match the impact and immediacy of the television image. Then, whether it was the visuals of street carnage five years ago, or the voices of Sangh parivar footsoldiers bragging about their "achievements" with chilling candour, the audio-visual image has the ability to confirm, even magnify, the gravity of the crime in a way that at times even the finest prose cannot. The television camera reduced the mental and geographical distance between the Gujarat riots and a national viewership in a manner that the newspaper in 1984 could not. It also, especially in the context of a paralysed political class, became the "real" opposition, questioning and challenging the Gujarat government's claims to be a non-partisan upholder of the Constitution.

Ironically, what the dramatic television images also did was transform Narendra Modi into a larger than life figure: from a relatively anonymous pracharak who had never fought an election he was now, either the hero or villain of hate politics, depending on one's ideological leanings. Modi, in fact, brilliantly used the media exposure to create the spectre of a confrontation between himself and the so-called "anti-Hindu" English language media. The sharp rhetoric in public speeches, the intimidatory tone towards journalists, and even the recent walk-out from an interview were deliberately designed to position himself as a macho hero who was being targeted by an ideological media. Indeed, by pigeonholing the non-Gujarati media in particular as 'enemy number one", Modi was able to cultivate a sense of "us" versus "them" within his core constituency. As a result, far from being apologetic about the post-Godhra violence, he was almost dismissive of the criticism. This seeming lack of remorse at the violence has only added to the polarization: the critics demonized him, his supporters valourised him as a Hindu Hriday Samrat.

In a sense, Modi has become symbolic of the Hindu-Muslim fault-lines that exist in our society, a symbol of the darkness within. Those fault-lines between Hindu and Muslim run far deeper and are far more central to identity politics than the Hindu-Sikh divide of the 1980s could ever have been. The divide of the 80s was a temporary eruption, occasioned more by political mismanagement than any fundamental shift in attitudes between members of the two communities. The scars of 1984 could be healed with time, because the origins of the Hindu-Sikh tension were not based on historic resentments and popular prejudices.

2002, by contrast, and rather uncomfortably, appears to be part of a more sustained campaign of hate, prejudice and violence between Hindus and Muslims, one which tapped into a wider constituency in Gujarat and beyond. Which is why there isn't a greater sense of collective outrage at the behaviour of those caught on camera detailing the worst possible crimes against humanity. Which is also why a substantial section of the rank and file of BJP, a party whose rise in national politics was spurred by the growing communal divide, appears to have endorsed Modi's brand of politics.

Interestingly, the original patent to this type of militant Hindutva politics belonged to Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray. Like Modi in 2002, Thackeray too was unapologetic about his actions during the '92-'93 Mumbai riots. In fact, he went a step further than Modi when he openly said, "he was proud of his boys". Both Modi and Thackeray reveled in their image as authoritarian political bosses who would tolerate no internal dissent. Like Modi, Thackeray too has attempted to create an 'enemy-like situation" with the the English language media , one designed purely to reinforce his stature as the "supremo" among his supporters.

The difference is that while Thackeray had little to offer beyond the demagoguery, Modi as chief minister has chosen a "Hindutva-plus" model, one in which a fierce commitment to ideology is matched by an equally aggressive commitment to economic growth. While Thackeray has often been dismissed as an eccentric rabble-rouser, Modi enjoys the stature of being a focused, workaholic chief minister.

So, while sociologist Ashis Nandy may have come out of a meeting with Modi ten years ago and warned a colleague that he had met the country's first "textbook fascist", industrialists who shared a dais with him at the Vibrant Gujarat celebrations last year admiringly described him as a "growth-oriented, highly motivated chief minister'. Perhaps, it's this dualism - Dr Modi and Mr Hyde - that lies at the heart of the Modi phenomenon. Not only does he appeal to the desire for greater material progress, but his existence is perhaps a symbol of a hidden alter ego, a doppleganger that undoubtedly still exists in many Hindu hearts. Modi says in public, what many may say in private. A centuries-old, unsaid prejudice that still has not been properly confronted and cauterised is Modi's secret weapon. It makes him more electable. And also more feared.

 

[RoYaL~GuJJaR]

Zydus Infra to invest Rs. 100 crore in Pharma SEZ
December 12, 2010

pop:


India’s exclusive Special
Economic Zone dedicated
to the pharmaceuticals
industry on the outskirts of Ahmedabad,
Pharmez, is getting bigger. Zydus
Infrastructure is planning to pump in
another Rs. 100 crore to develop the basic
infrastructure on 64.48 hectares that has
already been approved by the Government
of Gujarat.
“We have applied to the government for
final notification on expansion of Pharmez
and started leasing out land for commercial
use. It is expected to come in a month’s
time and we hope to
see it operational by
the middle of 2012,”
said Mr. Kailash
Bahuguna, Chief
Operating Officer of
Zydus Infrastructure.
The company, which
has been set up as a
subsidiary of Zydus
Group in 2006, is overseeing the
development of Pharmez.
Post expansion, the total size of Pharmez
will be 113.3 hectares, including 48.83
hectares that has been developed in the
first phase with an investment of Rs. 80
crore.
According to Mr. Bahuguna, Zydus
Infrastructure is expecting about 20 pharma
companies setting up operations in this SEZ
under the second phase.
“While the focus will continue to be on
formulations and research and
development, the operating cost is 17% to
19% less because of tax benefits. Further,
because of its proximity to ports, this SEZ is
drawing attention of all major
pharmaceutical companies in India,” he
said.
In the first phase, 12 companies have
received allotment letters. Production has
started at Zydus Hospira Oncology, Famy
Care and Intas Pharma. Even service
providers such as Fisher Scientific India,
Oxygen Bio Research and Piramal
Pharmaceuticals Development Services
have started operating in the SEZ.
Construction of Cadila Healthcare has just
started while validation is on at Zydus BSV
Pharma and Zydus Technologies.

 

[Vinod2070]

This guy is posting whatever comes in google search as modi ,now am worried about my office colleague Vikram Modi lolrofl:

I am worried for my childhood friend Narendra now!

He is no Modi but some people are on a trolling spree.