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Egypt: From Islamist to Democrat

Solomon2

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“People who had become my brothers and sisters during the 18 days were surprised to see me,” he said. “They said to me, ‘doesn’t the Brotherhood think we’re all infiltrators and spies?’ And I said, ‘even if that’s what you are, then I would rather be on your side.’”

...Abdul-Jalil al-Sharnouby also quit the Muslim Brotherhood recently, and I had a lot more time to sit down and talk to him than I had with Mohammad Adel.

Before he resigned he was the editor-in-chief of the Brotherhood’s Web site, Ikhwan Online. He even got some serious attention in Western media for his high profile job before he walked out. The Daily Beast described him as “radical Islam’s tech guru,” but he’s not a radical Islamist anymore. He is a man in transition with one part of his heart and his mind in his old ideology and another part of his heart and his mind in something more liberal and open. And the truth is he’s been in transition for a while now and was very nearly ready to bolt at the time the Daily Beast interviewed him, though no one had any idea at the time. He wasn’t even yet ready to admit it to himself, but that would start changing—and fast—as soon as the revolution in Egypt was on.

“I was a member of the Brotherhood for 23 years,” he said...

“I was in Tahrir Square for the 18 days,” he said. “One day I went down into the streets with two French journalists. We left the Brotherhood office and were subjected to a pre-meditated attack by thugs from the baltageya right outside the building. They took all my papers and two mobile phones. Eight days later a group of thugs followed by a group of soldiers stormed the Brotherhood office at dawn and destroyed computers and arrested twelve people.”

For reasons that I can’t explain, the Brotherhood leaders took this in stride. They were strangely aloof from just about everything that was happening in the country at the time. I find it odd. Al-Sharnouby found it infuriating.

“I mention these attacks,” he said, “because experiencing the emotional ups and downs of the revolution, and being attacked the way I was, stood in such contrast with the calm felt by the Muslim Brotherhood leadership. When we were right in the middle of Tahrir, the Brotherhood announced that it would negotiate with [military intelligence director and vice president] Omar Suleiman. People in the square came to me and said, ‘you’re the editor-in-chief of the Muslim Brotherhood’s Web site. Why are you guys negotiating with the army?’ Talk of negotiations with Mubarak’s government was firmly rejected by everyone in Tahrir.”

The Brotherhood has been doing that all along. Many of the liberals and socialists I spoke to have the sense that the Islamists are against the revolution or are at best waging their own parallel revolution, and they seem to be right.

“There were calls for a second Friday of rage in May,” Al-Sharnouby said. “The Brotherhood leadership gave me a press release to publish on the Web site, and it was very harsh. It said that anyone who went down to the second Friday of rage was either betraying the nation or trying to trigger clashes between the people and the army.”

He published the press release, though, without editing it. He wasn’t happy about it, but that was his job. There was nothing the Brothers could do to stop him from going down to Tahrir anyway, though, so he did.

His decision to leave the Brotherhood wasn’t a snap one. His mind had been changing slowly over time even if he wasn’t always consciously aware of it, like tectonic plates shifting an inch or so every year until the pressure is released in an explosive earthquake. The epicenter of Al-Sharnouby’s personal earthquake was Tahrir Square during the revolution.

“I saw blood in the streets,” he said. “I saw people die who didn’t belong to any organization. The people who died in the revolution weren’t making political calculations. They weren’t entering into negotiations with the regime. They died because they wanted to be free. So we should be with the people.”

He paused for a moment, then asked me a question.

“Are you with the people?” he said.

“Of course!” I said. At least I am with Egypt’s liberals. I’m an American. Who else could I possibly sympathize with? The anti-Western Islamists? The military dictatorship that blames foreigners like me for everything wrong with the country?

“Okay then,” he said and smiled. “Have some coffee...”


Michael Totten, The Muslim Brotherhood's Discontents
 

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