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Turkey-Ukraine defense industry ties are booming


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It looks like Ukraine is becoming Turkey's new go-to defense technology partner. Strategic ties between Turkey and Ukraine in the fields of defense and military cooperation are flourishing. The latest development was the April 19-22 visit to Turkey of the commander of the Ukrainian navy, Vice Adm. Ihor Voronchenko, and his delegation.

Voronchenko visited Golcuk shipyards, where Turkey built the Ada-class SW corvettes TCG (Turkiye Cumhuriyeti Gemisi, or "Ship of the Turkish Republic") Heybeliada, Buyukada and Burgazada and delivered them to the Turkish navy in 2011 and 2013; the TCG Kinaliada is under construction there. Turkish and Ukrainian navy personnel participated in the Eurasia Partnership Maritime Interdiction Operations held April 3-7 in Ukraine’s port of Odessa. The Turkish navy visited Batum, Georgia; Novorossiysk, Russia; Constanta, Romania; and Varna, Bulgaria, and held joint air defense exercises with the Ukrainian navy at Odessa.

Meanwhile, high-level defense industry visits between Turkey and Ukraine have become frequent. The volume of trade between the countries, which was $3.7 billion in 2016, is expected to reach $20 billion in five years now that they have signed a free-trade accord. Their mutual defense industry projects involve satellite technology, warships and navigation systems, radars, engine technology, phased space rockets and ballistic missile systems, solid fuel rocket engines, long-range ballistic missiles and even cruise missiles.

Recently, when Austria restricted technological support for the engine of the Altay main battle tank Turkey designed and is producing using mainly local technologies, Ankara turned to Ukraine. Ukrainian Prime Minister Vladimir Groysman visited Turkey on March 14, and the two countries signed a preliminary memorandum of understanding in which Ukraine is proposing its 6TD-3 engine for the Turkish tank.

What encouraged this rapidly developing defense industry and military technology cooperation between Turkey and Ukraine?

The first reason is geographical: Unlike other NATO and European countries, Turkey is a neighbor of both Russia and Ukraine and is therefore always careful to balance its relations with both.

The other reason is Black Sea geopolitics. According to Devrim Yaylali, an expert on the naval defense industry who spoke with Al-Monitor, although the Black Sea appears to be an inland sea, it still has vibrant, heavy traffic coming from the rivers of Europe and Russia and also from Turkey’s straits. Russia's invasions of Georgia in 2008 and Crimea in 2014 have added to the complexity of security politics of the Black Sea. Ukraine has a long Black Sea coast, and the country's contribution to Black Sea security is important for Turkey.

For Ukraine, Turkey’s role in restraining Russia in the Black Sea and supporting Ukraine’s membership in NATO are important assets.

Yaylali added: “Turkey doesn’t want any other navies in the Black Sea other than those of [coastal] countries. That is why it is crucial for Turkey to maintain good relations particularly with naval and coast guard forces of all [coastal] states. This was demonstrated by the Turkish navy’s visit to all the Black Sea countries" during the 2017 Sea Star exercises.

Another motive for Turkey and Ukraine to cooperate: Both countries want to share military technology to expand and strengthen their national defense industries. Neither has a self-sufficient defense industry.

Yaylali says Ukraine's navy is weak. He explained: “Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Ukraine has not added any new vessels to its navy. After Russia’s occupation of Crimea in 2014 and its seizure of some of the Ukrainian navy vessels, Ukraine doesn’t have a navy to speak of. Before 2014, Ukrainian warships had gone to the Mediterranean and twice to the Gulf of Aden to support NATO operations. But today, for Ukrainian ships to move out of the Black Sea is only a dream.”

To defend its naval interests, Ukraine will have to make a major investment. It could buy secondhand military vessels from NATO countries or build them in Ukraine. This explains Ukraine’s interest in the experience Turkey has gained in constructing warships locally. Turkey can provide Ukraine with technical support to design and produce a warship in its own shipyards. Turkey can also provide standard NATO weapons systems, sensors and radars for vessels Ukraine can build.

Turkey’s interest in the Ukrainian defense industry is basically in satellite technologies, diesel engines, ballistic missile solid fuel engines and cruise missiles. It is interesting to learn, based on their joint projects, that Turkey is particularly interested in cruise missiles.

According to defense industry expert Arda Mevlutoglu, Ukraine has advanced capability in electronic warfare, radar technology and engines. Mevlutoglu said Turkey’s most urgent needs from Ukraine are diesel engines.

“When Turkey’s sale of self-propelled howitzers to Azerbaijan didn’t materialize — after Germany, for political reasons, blocked sales of engines for the howitzers — Turkey began looking to Ukraine as the alternative source of engines,” Mevlutoglu added.

Ukraine also has significant knowledge and experience in basic sciences such as mathematics, physics and chemistry, and their applications. Turkey seriously lags in these fields. The two countries last year launched projects to develop joint sonar systems. They also have student exchange programs, especially in the engineering fields needed in the defense industry.

Of course, not to be ignored is Ukraine's geopolitical importance; most of the natural gas Ankara buys from Russia reaches Turkey via pipelines passing through Ukraine.

What is becoming apparent is that Ukraine is the nearest and most willing potential partner to help Turkey overcome the interruptions in military technology transfer from the United States and Europe because of frequent political disagreements. However, “Ukraine suffered tremendous economic and human resources losses with ongoing clashes since 2014 and Russia’s annexation of Crimea," Mevlutoglu said. "Much of its defense industry was either looted by Russian intelligence services or simply fell into Russian hands because they were in Crimea. That is why we have to wonder if Ukraine can deliver its promises of strategic cooperation. That is why it would be wiser if Ankara focuses on what Ukraine can do instead of what it promises.”
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Is it possible that we're expecting too much from Ukraine? How capable is the Ukrainian defense industry anyway? Is Ukraine willing to fulfill or wishes? Are they really determined to break some international rules regarding missile tech and other critical knowhow to work with us?
 
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Quote :

Ukraine to Develop Defense Industry Without Russia

Publication: Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 11 Issue: 213
By: Oleg Varfolomeyev
December 1, 2014 09:58


The annexation of Crimea and the hybrid war with Russia that ensued have changed the Ukrainian government’s attitude toward the domestic military industry. Consequently, Ukraine’s arms production sector is likely to cease being an export-oriented industry that depended on Russia and exploited the fame of the Soviet military-industrial complex, while not developing much of its own hardware or technologies. Indeed, President Petro Poroshenko told the government last September that the Ukrainian military-industrial complex could become one of the engines of the national economy (Ukrinform.ua September 10).

“Strategy-2020,” a reform plan Poroshenko offered to the nation, provides for increasing military spending to 5 percent of GDP in 2020 from 1 percent until now. The manpower of the Armed Forces will be expanded as well. Poroshenko plans for Ukraine to have 7 military personnel per 1,000 residents, up from 2.8 now (president.gov.ua, September 29). Most recently, Poroshenko instructed the government to increase military spending to at least 3 percent of GDP already in 2015 (president.gov.ua, November 5).

The first steps in this direction were taken last summer, when it became clear that the Ukrainian army was too weak to protect the eastern industrial Donbas region (area encompassing the Donetsk and Luhansk provinces) from ill-equipped and ill-trained Russia-backed militants supported by a limited Russian military contingent. Ukraine’s parliament, therefore, approved a 1.5-percent war tax on personal incomes and increased other tax rates in order to boost military spending. As a result, defense spending growth accelerated to 60.4 percent year on year, even as overall state budget revenue increased by just 3.9 percent in January–October (minfin.gov.ua, November 28).

This should be a boon to the domestic defense industry, which has, thus far, had to export almost 100 percent of its products, even though 53 percent of Ukrainian military hardware was over 25 years old, and only 1.2 percent of the military’s equipment was newer than 10 years (business.ua, April 21). A case in point has been the truck manufacturer KRAZ, which used to survive mainly thanks to orders from the Middle East. Recently, however, it began supplying newly designed military trucks to the Ukrainian army (fakty.ictv.ua, November 20). In January–October, KRAZ production was up 53 percent year on year, and in October alone it jumped 140 percent year on year (avrokraz.com.ua, November 5).

Despite more than two decades of underfinancing, Ukraine’s defense sector remains one of the most developed local industries. Some facilities in shipbuilding and missile production are unique, but Ukraine also makes more standard military products, such as armored vehicles, tanks, radar systems, helicopter engines, transport aircraft, various components for military aircraft, small arms and ammunition. Domestic producers also have numerous design bureaus. If more funds are poured into the industry, it will likely be able to not only contribute to rearming Ukraine, but also to boost exports further and have more resources to devote to research.

However, Ukraine lost some of its defense industry potential this year. With Crimea’s annexation, the state military industry concern Ukroboronprom lost 13 enterprises located there, mainly shipyards and aircraft repair plants (ukroboronprom.ua, accessed on November 28; business.ua, April 21). The shipyard Morye, which makes naval hovercraft and speedboats, stands out among them. Crimea’s annexation may disrupt a Ukrainian contract with China to build Zubr-type landing aircraft at Morye (feodosia.ws, November 24). Meanwhile, in the Donbas area, Ukraine has been cut off from local plants producing ammunition, explosives, engine components and radar systems—Kolchuga passive sensors, in particular. Recent Russian “humanitarian convoys” reportedly carried back over the border into Russia equipment dismantled from at least five Donbas-based defense industry enterprises (forbes.ua, September 1).

Following the Crimean events, the Ukrainian government has severed links with the Russian defense industry. Ukrainian Security Service (SBU) chief Valentyn Nalyvaychenko told a briefing in November that no military industry enterprises located in government-controlled areas were cooperating with Russia (pravda.com.ua, November 18). This is natural, since Ukraine has been in a de facto state of war with Russia since February. Kyiv, thereby, wants to undermine Moscow’s military potential, as the Russian defense industry and troops, in particular as far as missiles and aircraft are concerned, to a large extent depend on Ukrainian equipment supplies and services. The Ukrainian firm Motor Sich supplied engines for Russian Mi helicopters; Arsenal plant delivered infrared homing heads for air-to-air missiles; Artem equipped Su and Mig fighter jets with air-to-air missiles; Zorya-Mashproyekt used to sell gas turbines for naval vessels; and Ukrainian experts serviced Russia’s intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBM)—SS-18s in particular (rian.com.ua, June 19; business.ua, April 21).

Russia has been one of the main markets for the Ukrainian defense industry. It will likely be easy to enforce a ban on cooperation with Russia on the state-owned behemoth Ukroboronprom, whose first deputy CEO Serhy Pinkas insists that all cooperation with Russia had stopped (ukroboronprom.com.ua, October 23). However, it may be trickier with independent players. A case in point is the Zaporizhya-based company Motor Sich. Russia had been the main market for its engines for decades. It has been rumored that Motor Sich was trying to circumvent the ban, in particular by moving the production of cruise missile engines being produced for Russia to Belarus (antikor.com.ua, November 16). Most recently, Motor Sich denied reports that it continued supplying engines for Russian military helicopters (ukrinform.ua, November 24).

Due to the war, the Ukrainian defense industry urgently has to replace Russia with other export markets. But thanks to the war, Ukraine’s domestic market is also expanding, especially as the West continues to dither on supplying the embattled country with lethal weapons. It thus seems like high time for Ukraine to seize the opportunity.


Jamestown.org


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... Are they really determined to break some international rules regarding missile tech and other critical knowhow to work with us?

No, they can not and will not do it.

But there are other paths - that others have already taken (Naro-1) - that will be taken in this specific area. And Ukraine absolutely needs contracts to maintain its expertise and its living businesses specifically in the space industry.

https://defence.pk/pdf/threads/turk...dates-discussions.230540/page-44#post-9476467

https://defence.pk/pdf/threads/turk...dates-discussions.230540/page-44#post-9477652




Note :

After all the rest of the work, South Korea did it all alone.


KSLV-II

https://defence.pk/pdf/threads/turk...dates-discussions.230540/page-43#post-9470263



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