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Turkey?s military: No jobs for the boys | The Economist
Turkeys military
No jobs for the boys
Turkeys generals lose another argument with the government
Aug 12th 2010 | Ankara and Istanbul
Basbug (left) greets Kasaner, his sole success
IT HAS been a rotten month for Turkeys generals. Their latest wrangle with the ruling Justice and Development (AK) party over who should be promoted during the armys annual August review has ended in stinging defeat.
General Ilker Basbug, who is poised to step down on August 30th after two years as chief of the general staff, suffered the biggest loss of face. He wanted Hasan Igsiz, commander of the 1st army corps, to become land-forces commander. But Turkeys prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, blocked the move. General Igsiz has been linked to bogus internet sites used to smear AK; their content was used as evidence when Turkeys chief prosecutor sought to ban the party two years ago. The general has also been implicated in an alleged plot against adherents of the Fethullah Gulen movement, an Islamic fraternity that broadly supports AK.
The old guard lost out elsewhere. Eleven officers implicated in the so-called Sledgehammer case, an alleged coup plot, failed to win promotion. General Basbugs attempts to have another ally become land-forces commander flopped. The only promotion that went as planned was that of General Isik Kosaner, a traditionalist who will succeed General Basbug.
AK supporters hail the outcome as a victory for democracy. The governments resolve, says Mehmet Baransu, a journalist who exposed much of the armys alleged mischief, has weakened the coup-mongering corps. Yet there is a whiff of horse-trading in the air. Mr Erdogan prevailed only after prosecutors decided, at the last minute, to revoke arrest warrants for 102 officers linked to Sledgehammer. Dani Rodrik, a respected economist whose father-in-law, Cetin Dogan, a retired general, is a top suspect in the Sledgehammer affair, thinks the prosecution was anyway deeply flawed.
Reducing the political influence of Turkeys army, which has toppled four governments since 1960, is among the European Unions hardest conditions for Turkeys membership. A package of constitutional amendments that will further weaken the generals will be put to a referendum on September 12th. It includes a provision to allow coup-plotters to be tried by civilian rather than military courts, and a rule that says civilians can no longer be tried by the army, except in times of war.
Osman Can, a former rapporteur of the constitutional court, argues that the key to demilitarisation lies in measures that alter the structure of the judiciary. In particular he points to a proposed dilution of pro-army representation in a judicial watchdog, known by its initials HSYK and created by the generals following their last coup in 1980. Its decisions cannot be appealedbut this will change if the constitutional package is approved.
Secular critics of AK remain unswayed, seeing the amendments as a way for Mr Erdogan to cement his civilian dictatorship. Such exaggerations aside, some of the amendments will boost the powers of the presidency, an office Mr Erdogan is widely believed to covet. The package proposes, for example, that the president appoint 14 of the constitutional courts 17 members. If this is an exercise in democratisation, parliament should be granted a bigger contingent, complains Ibrahim Kaboglu, a prominent professor of constitutional law. Better still, Mr Erdogan should stick to a promise he once made to rewrite the constitution altogether. Only then will the reign of the generals who wrote it 28 years ago truly end.
Turkeys military
No jobs for the boys
Turkeys generals lose another argument with the government
Aug 12th 2010 | Ankara and Istanbul

Basbug (left) greets Kasaner, his sole success
IT HAS been a rotten month for Turkeys generals. Their latest wrangle with the ruling Justice and Development (AK) party over who should be promoted during the armys annual August review has ended in stinging defeat.
General Ilker Basbug, who is poised to step down on August 30th after two years as chief of the general staff, suffered the biggest loss of face. He wanted Hasan Igsiz, commander of the 1st army corps, to become land-forces commander. But Turkeys prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, blocked the move. General Igsiz has been linked to bogus internet sites used to smear AK; their content was used as evidence when Turkeys chief prosecutor sought to ban the party two years ago. The general has also been implicated in an alleged plot against adherents of the Fethullah Gulen movement, an Islamic fraternity that broadly supports AK.
The old guard lost out elsewhere. Eleven officers implicated in the so-called Sledgehammer case, an alleged coup plot, failed to win promotion. General Basbugs attempts to have another ally become land-forces commander flopped. The only promotion that went as planned was that of General Isik Kosaner, a traditionalist who will succeed General Basbug.
AK supporters hail the outcome as a victory for democracy. The governments resolve, says Mehmet Baransu, a journalist who exposed much of the armys alleged mischief, has weakened the coup-mongering corps. Yet there is a whiff of horse-trading in the air. Mr Erdogan prevailed only after prosecutors decided, at the last minute, to revoke arrest warrants for 102 officers linked to Sledgehammer. Dani Rodrik, a respected economist whose father-in-law, Cetin Dogan, a retired general, is a top suspect in the Sledgehammer affair, thinks the prosecution was anyway deeply flawed.
Reducing the political influence of Turkeys army, which has toppled four governments since 1960, is among the European Unions hardest conditions for Turkeys membership. A package of constitutional amendments that will further weaken the generals will be put to a referendum on September 12th. It includes a provision to allow coup-plotters to be tried by civilian rather than military courts, and a rule that says civilians can no longer be tried by the army, except in times of war.
Osman Can, a former rapporteur of the constitutional court, argues that the key to demilitarisation lies in measures that alter the structure of the judiciary. In particular he points to a proposed dilution of pro-army representation in a judicial watchdog, known by its initials HSYK and created by the generals following their last coup in 1980. Its decisions cannot be appealedbut this will change if the constitutional package is approved.
Secular critics of AK remain unswayed, seeing the amendments as a way for Mr Erdogan to cement his civilian dictatorship. Such exaggerations aside, some of the amendments will boost the powers of the presidency, an office Mr Erdogan is widely believed to covet. The package proposes, for example, that the president appoint 14 of the constitutional courts 17 members. If this is an exercise in democratisation, parliament should be granted a bigger contingent, complains Ibrahim Kaboglu, a prominent professor of constitutional law. Better still, Mr Erdogan should stick to a promise he once made to rewrite the constitution altogether. Only then will the reign of the generals who wrote it 28 years ago truly end.