AZADPAKISTAN2009
ELITE MEMBER
- Joined
- Sep 8, 2009
- Messages
- 37,669
- Reaction score
- 68
- Country
- Location
Iskander Ali Mirza, it all starts with this guy ... around 50's
Who just happened to be direct decendents of none other them Mir Jafer the guy who sold out India to british
I stumbled upon the fact that he was direct decendent to that rascle Mir Jafar
Reference:Editorial
Mr Iskander layed the foundation of the culture in our country which permitted Army to declare marshal law and overthrow elected gov
Iskandar Mirza, Ayub Khan
and October 1958
Field Marshal Mohammad Ayub Khan died in April 1974. In later times, his son Gohar Ayub Khan was to serve as foreign minister and speaker of the Pakistan national assembly. Under the new political rules framed by the Musharraf regime, Gohar Ayub was disqualified from seeking a seat in the present national assembly because he never came by a bachelor’s degree in his youth,
writes Syed Badrul Ahsan
In October 1958, a terrible blow was struck at the state of Pakistan by its military. The president of the country, Major General Iskandar Mirza, in complicity with the commander in chief of the army, General Ayub Khan, took it upon himself to decide that Pakistan’s politicians had led the country to a terrible pass and therefore had to be checked before the collapse was complete. It was a perfect combining of forces by the two men. General Mirza, a joint secretary in the ministry of defence in pre-partition India and a direct descendant of Mir Jafar, the puppet nawab placed on the throne of Bengal after the Battle of Plassey in 1757, had risen swiftly in Pakistan. He took over from a rapidly deteriorating, both psychologically and physically, Ghulam Mohammad as governor general in 1955. But prior to that, as minister for interior and governor of East Pakistan, he had played a sinister role in undermining the nascent state of democratic politics in the province, earlier known as East Bengal. It was an eerie trait in Mirza that every time he was informed of a problem, he jumped to the conclusion that the Bengalis were stirring up trouble. It was Mirza who once issued the dire warning that he would shoot Moulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani. Mirza assumed the office of Pakistan’s first president once the first constitution of the country was adopted on 23 March 1956.
General Ayub Khan, who had taken over from General Gracey in 1951 as the first Pakistani commander in chief of the army, had all along demonstrated a keen interest in influencing national politics. Indeed, in his 1967 memoirs, Friends Not Masters, he speaks of the fact that had he wished, he could have taken control as far back as 1954. But even if he did not seize power in the early 1950s, he managed to maneouvre himself into a position where he was able to enter the cabinet as minister of defence. It was a strange situation, given that Ayub held two positions, those of army chief and defence minister. His prime minister was Mohammad Ali Bogra, the flamboyant Bengali former ambassador to Washington summoned home to take over from a dismissed Khwaja Nazimuddin in 1953 (ironically, a decade later, Bogra was to serve under Ayub as Pakistan’s foreign minister). From 1954 onwards, Ayub Khan was an irritating, unavoidable cog in the wheel of government, even in the one led by Prime Minister Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy. There was little mistaking that his ambitions reached even higher. And by the time October 1958 came around, with Pakistanis in both wings of the country looking forward to general elections, the first in the country’s history, planned for early 1959, Ayub Khan and Iskandar Mirza knew that they could not let democracy come in their way. On 7 October, General Mirza declared martial law and placed General Ayub in charge as chief martial law administrator. Scores of politicians were swiftly put in prison and a general sense of fear pervaded all corners of Pakistan. Seeing that it was to be the country’s first bout of military rule, the element of fear was of a nature one cannot possibly imagine today.
Within the first twenty days of the declaration of martial law, a shrewd Ayub Khan pushed an over-confident Mirza over the brink. The deposed president, himself the architect of a number of political conspiracies in Pakistan, was first shifted to Quetta with his second wife Naheed. After a few days there, the couple were transferred to Karachi and unceremoniously bundled on to a plane bound for London. The Mirzas were never to return to Pakistan. In London, the fallen president went into decline. He worked in restaurants and made it a point to get in touch with whoever was going to or coming out of Pakistan. Hearing that a certain young British diplomat had been appointed first secretary at the British High Commission in Karachi, Mirza asked him over to lunch and briefed him on his country. Clearly, however, Mirza’s political life was at an end. When he died in 1969 (and that was after Ayub Khan himself had fallen from power), his family’s request for a burial in Pakistan was rejected by the new military junta of General Yahya Khan. Mirza was finally buried in Tehran by the grave of General Zahedi, a former prime minister (himself having been installed in power by the CIA after the overthrow of General Mossadegh) and father of Ardeshir Zahedi, diplomat and foreign minister under and son-in-law to the Shah of Iran.
Meanwhile, General Ayub Khan consolidated his hold on Pakistan. He clamped a ban on political activities by outlawing parties and muzzling politics through the Elective Bodies’ (Disqualification) Ordinance (EBDO). He moved quickly to promote himself to the rank of field marshal. Having drafted a new constitution of restricted democracy he called Basic Democracy, he had a national assembly convened and martial law withdrawn in July 1962. Through massive help from political chameleons, he seized half of the Muslim League through calling a convention and claimed it for himself. The party came to be known as the Convention Muslim League. The remaining half, which through a council decided to stay united under men like the Punjab’s Mian Mumtaz Daultana, henceforth became known as the Council Muslim League. At a later stage, when general elections under a second military regime became a clear prospect, Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan gave shape to his own organisation which was soon to be described as the Qayyum Muslim League. In East Pakistan, Ayub Khan went for systematic repression, in the process taking veteran politicians such as Suhrawardy into custody and viciously targeting others, especially Sheikh Mujibur Rahman of the Awami League. His charges of conspiracy against Mujib finally were to backfire, but that did not prevent his loyalists from observing the tenth anniversary of his ‘revolution’ in 1968. It was also Ayub’s misfortune that Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the foreign minister who had essentially grown to national prominence under his tutelage, was to move away from him in 1966 and go on to found his own Pakistan People’s Party in 1967. That year, air marshal Asghar Khan, former commander in chief of the Pakistan air force, made his entry into politics and made it clear that he was calling for a change of regime in the country. By the beginning of 1969, the Ayub regime was tottering. Wrong-footed for once by the opposition, the president called a round table conference with opposition leaders in February of the year. The talks were to be abortive. Only a month later, as a consequence of massive and violent public protests in all of Pakistan, Ayub Khan stepped down and handed over power, not to the speaker of the national assembly, Abdul Jabbar Khan, but to the army chief, General Yahya Khan. The constitution his government had enacted in 1962 thus found its way to the grave with the departure of its creator. Few mourned its passing, or the fall of the field marshal.
Ayub Khan, a largely forgotten figure in what remains of Pakistan and a person emblematic of negativism in Bangladesh, went off into quiet retirement after quitting office. He never reappeared in public and did not issue any statement of national importance. His faction of the Muslim League fragmented within months of his retirement. But he lived long enough to see his former foreign minister ZA Bhutto and his long time nemesis Sheikh Mujibur Rahman rise to power, the former as president of a truncated Pakistan and the latter as founding father of a free Bangladesh. And yet the corrosive politics that Ayub Khan introduced in Pakistan through the coup he and Iskandar Mirza initiated in October 1958 has done systematic damage to Pakistan, even after the break-up of the country through the emergence of Bangladesh. Three other coups d’etat have followed the 1958 take-over. Pakistan’s elected prime ministers have been summarily dismissed and one of them, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, was to go to the gallows. The army, since the days of Pakistan’s first military ruler, has been the dominant factor in Pakistan’s national politics, to the extent that government ministries, the diplomatic service, parliament, business and even sports bodies are today heavily staffed by serving or retired military officers. The military has seen little use for civilian elected prime ministers, as the Nawaz Sharif case has clearly revealed. It was behind the back of the prime minister that the army, under General Pervez Musharraf, sneaked its way into Kargil and sent the political temperature between Islamabad and Delhi flying off into sparks. Forty one Octobers after Ayub Khan’s commandeering of Pakistan, Musharraf was to come down from the skies and send its elected government packing. That was in October 1999.
Field Marshal Mohammad Ayub Khan died in April 1974. In later times, his son Gohar Ayub Khan was to serve as foreign minister and speaker of the Pakistan national assembly. Under the new political rules framed by the Musharraf regime, Gohar Ayub was disqualified from seeking a seat in the present national assembly because he never came by a bachelor’s degree in his youth.
..........
Its just facinating to consider that he was even made Pakistani president in first place..
Puts Liaqat Ali Khan's assasination into prespective big time -
Who just happened to be direct decendents of none other them Mir Jafer the guy who sold out India to british
I stumbled upon the fact that he was direct decendent to that rascle Mir Jafar
Reference:Editorial
Mr Iskander layed the foundation of the culture in our country which permitted Army to declare marshal law and overthrow elected gov
Iskandar Mirza, Ayub Khan
and October 1958
Field Marshal Mohammad Ayub Khan died in April 1974. In later times, his son Gohar Ayub Khan was to serve as foreign minister and speaker of the Pakistan national assembly. Under the new political rules framed by the Musharraf regime, Gohar Ayub was disqualified from seeking a seat in the present national assembly because he never came by a bachelor’s degree in his youth,
writes Syed Badrul Ahsan
In October 1958, a terrible blow was struck at the state of Pakistan by its military. The president of the country, Major General Iskandar Mirza, in complicity with the commander in chief of the army, General Ayub Khan, took it upon himself to decide that Pakistan’s politicians had led the country to a terrible pass and therefore had to be checked before the collapse was complete. It was a perfect combining of forces by the two men. General Mirza, a joint secretary in the ministry of defence in pre-partition India and a direct descendant of Mir Jafar, the puppet nawab placed on the throne of Bengal after the Battle of Plassey in 1757, had risen swiftly in Pakistan. He took over from a rapidly deteriorating, both psychologically and physically, Ghulam Mohammad as governor general in 1955. But prior to that, as minister for interior and governor of East Pakistan, he had played a sinister role in undermining the nascent state of democratic politics in the province, earlier known as East Bengal. It was an eerie trait in Mirza that every time he was informed of a problem, he jumped to the conclusion that the Bengalis were stirring up trouble. It was Mirza who once issued the dire warning that he would shoot Moulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani. Mirza assumed the office of Pakistan’s first president once the first constitution of the country was adopted on 23 March 1956.
General Ayub Khan, who had taken over from General Gracey in 1951 as the first Pakistani commander in chief of the army, had all along demonstrated a keen interest in influencing national politics. Indeed, in his 1967 memoirs, Friends Not Masters, he speaks of the fact that had he wished, he could have taken control as far back as 1954. But even if he did not seize power in the early 1950s, he managed to maneouvre himself into a position where he was able to enter the cabinet as minister of defence. It was a strange situation, given that Ayub held two positions, those of army chief and defence minister. His prime minister was Mohammad Ali Bogra, the flamboyant Bengali former ambassador to Washington summoned home to take over from a dismissed Khwaja Nazimuddin in 1953 (ironically, a decade later, Bogra was to serve under Ayub as Pakistan’s foreign minister). From 1954 onwards, Ayub Khan was an irritating, unavoidable cog in the wheel of government, even in the one led by Prime Minister Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy. There was little mistaking that his ambitions reached even higher. And by the time October 1958 came around, with Pakistanis in both wings of the country looking forward to general elections, the first in the country’s history, planned for early 1959, Ayub Khan and Iskandar Mirza knew that they could not let democracy come in their way. On 7 October, General Mirza declared martial law and placed General Ayub in charge as chief martial law administrator. Scores of politicians were swiftly put in prison and a general sense of fear pervaded all corners of Pakistan. Seeing that it was to be the country’s first bout of military rule, the element of fear was of a nature one cannot possibly imagine today.
Within the first twenty days of the declaration of martial law, a shrewd Ayub Khan pushed an over-confident Mirza over the brink. The deposed president, himself the architect of a number of political conspiracies in Pakistan, was first shifted to Quetta with his second wife Naheed. After a few days there, the couple were transferred to Karachi and unceremoniously bundled on to a plane bound for London. The Mirzas were never to return to Pakistan. In London, the fallen president went into decline. He worked in restaurants and made it a point to get in touch with whoever was going to or coming out of Pakistan. Hearing that a certain young British diplomat had been appointed first secretary at the British High Commission in Karachi, Mirza asked him over to lunch and briefed him on his country. Clearly, however, Mirza’s political life was at an end. When he died in 1969 (and that was after Ayub Khan himself had fallen from power), his family’s request for a burial in Pakistan was rejected by the new military junta of General Yahya Khan. Mirza was finally buried in Tehran by the grave of General Zahedi, a former prime minister (himself having been installed in power by the CIA after the overthrow of General Mossadegh) and father of Ardeshir Zahedi, diplomat and foreign minister under and son-in-law to the Shah of Iran.
Meanwhile, General Ayub Khan consolidated his hold on Pakistan. He clamped a ban on political activities by outlawing parties and muzzling politics through the Elective Bodies’ (Disqualification) Ordinance (EBDO). He moved quickly to promote himself to the rank of field marshal. Having drafted a new constitution of restricted democracy he called Basic Democracy, he had a national assembly convened and martial law withdrawn in July 1962. Through massive help from political chameleons, he seized half of the Muslim League through calling a convention and claimed it for himself. The party came to be known as the Convention Muslim League. The remaining half, which through a council decided to stay united under men like the Punjab’s Mian Mumtaz Daultana, henceforth became known as the Council Muslim League. At a later stage, when general elections under a second military regime became a clear prospect, Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan gave shape to his own organisation which was soon to be described as the Qayyum Muslim League. In East Pakistan, Ayub Khan went for systematic repression, in the process taking veteran politicians such as Suhrawardy into custody and viciously targeting others, especially Sheikh Mujibur Rahman of the Awami League. His charges of conspiracy against Mujib finally were to backfire, but that did not prevent his loyalists from observing the tenth anniversary of his ‘revolution’ in 1968. It was also Ayub’s misfortune that Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the foreign minister who had essentially grown to national prominence under his tutelage, was to move away from him in 1966 and go on to found his own Pakistan People’s Party in 1967. That year, air marshal Asghar Khan, former commander in chief of the Pakistan air force, made his entry into politics and made it clear that he was calling for a change of regime in the country. By the beginning of 1969, the Ayub regime was tottering. Wrong-footed for once by the opposition, the president called a round table conference with opposition leaders in February of the year. The talks were to be abortive. Only a month later, as a consequence of massive and violent public protests in all of Pakistan, Ayub Khan stepped down and handed over power, not to the speaker of the national assembly, Abdul Jabbar Khan, but to the army chief, General Yahya Khan. The constitution his government had enacted in 1962 thus found its way to the grave with the departure of its creator. Few mourned its passing, or the fall of the field marshal.
Ayub Khan, a largely forgotten figure in what remains of Pakistan and a person emblematic of negativism in Bangladesh, went off into quiet retirement after quitting office. He never reappeared in public and did not issue any statement of national importance. His faction of the Muslim League fragmented within months of his retirement. But he lived long enough to see his former foreign minister ZA Bhutto and his long time nemesis Sheikh Mujibur Rahman rise to power, the former as president of a truncated Pakistan and the latter as founding father of a free Bangladesh. And yet the corrosive politics that Ayub Khan introduced in Pakistan through the coup he and Iskandar Mirza initiated in October 1958 has done systematic damage to Pakistan, even after the break-up of the country through the emergence of Bangladesh. Three other coups d’etat have followed the 1958 take-over. Pakistan’s elected prime ministers have been summarily dismissed and one of them, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, was to go to the gallows. The army, since the days of Pakistan’s first military ruler, has been the dominant factor in Pakistan’s national politics, to the extent that government ministries, the diplomatic service, parliament, business and even sports bodies are today heavily staffed by serving or retired military officers. The military has seen little use for civilian elected prime ministers, as the Nawaz Sharif case has clearly revealed. It was behind the back of the prime minister that the army, under General Pervez Musharraf, sneaked its way into Kargil and sent the political temperature between Islamabad and Delhi flying off into sparks. Forty one Octobers after Ayub Khan’s commandeering of Pakistan, Musharraf was to come down from the skies and send its elected government packing. That was in October 1999.
Field Marshal Mohammad Ayub Khan died in April 1974. In later times, his son Gohar Ayub Khan was to serve as foreign minister and speaker of the Pakistan national assembly. Under the new political rules framed by the Musharraf regime, Gohar Ayub was disqualified from seeking a seat in the present national assembly because he never came by a bachelor’s degree in his youth.
..........
Its just facinating to consider that he was even made Pakistani president in first place..
Puts Liaqat Ali Khan's assasination into prespective big time -
