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Amongst the barrage of articles on this subject I have read, I find this worth a read..
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2013\11\12\story_12-11-2013_pg3_3
The mourning of religio-political and most mainstream parties at the killing of Tehreek-e-Taliban Taliban (TTP) chief Hakimullah Mehsud in a drone attack by the US should not be surprising as these parties have been quite consistent for a long time in expressing their soft corner, if not outright support, for the Taliban movement.
The Jamaat-e-Islami chief, Munawar Hasan, who hit the headlines by declaring Mehsud a martyr, is on record as condemning the military operation against the TTP in South Waziristan in 2010. Imran Khan never spoke a word of sympathy for the common people or army officers killed by the Taliban. Nawaz Sharif has been quite hypocritical in his stance about the militants, with no clear policy on terrorism.
Except for the Pakistan People’s Party, the Awami National Party, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement and Shia and Barelvi clerics, no other party or religious outfit has ever opposed the Taliban. Liberal intellectuals and non-governmental organisations are also on the side of the anti-Taliban formation.
The country stands sharply divided over the issue of dealing with the Taliban with pro-Taliban groups in a dominant majority. Even the Pakistani media, especially the Urdu press, is rife with the supporters of the Taliban though some of them may be a little diplomatic in their posturing. The debate in the print and electronic media over Malala Yousufzai’s book and drone attacks is a manifestation of the penetration of the Taliban mindset into the educated middle class.
The Taliban movement has very deep, wide roots in Pakistani society and it fulfills certain requirements of a majority of our people. One major factor behind the Taliban’s acceptability is their anti-US role as these people rightly or wrongly consider the US to be an enemy of Muslims and Islam.
Until the Taliban are fighting the US forces in Afghanistan and the Pakistan establishment is seen as a US ally, the Taliban will remain popular. Maulana Fazlur Rehman has articulated this sentiment by saying that he would declare even a dog to be a martyr if it is killed by the US.
A large section of Pakistani society may be categorised as ‘moderate Taliban’, people who share the Taliban’s interpretation of Islam and its enforcement but do not like their violent tactics such as suicide bombings, target killings and beheadings. For example, unlike the Taliban who banned all kinds of female education, the moderate Taliban want female education but with the observing of purdah (veil).
The moderate Taliban could be averse to the use of violence in the enforcement of their brand of Sharia at home, but not so while fighting a foreign force like the US-led forces in Afghanistan or Indian forces in Kashmir. The Taliban movement combines a puritan interpretation of religion with elements of anti-westernism, fascism and the trappings of populist rhetoric.
The Taliban movement is not a monolithic organisation led by Hakeemullah Mehsud as a Taliban spokesman himself explained in a recent interview. It is a conglomerate of different groups and dozens of other affiliated sub-groups operating all over the country. It gains strength from the fact that except for organisations belonging to the Shia and Barelvi sects, all religious organisations are in support of the Taliban movement.
The rank and file of religio-political organisations, such as the Jamiat-i-Ulema-e-Islam (Fazl and Sami groups), Tableeghi Jamaat, different organisations of the Ahle-e-Hadith sect and the Jamaat-e-Islami, has an emotional and ideological attachment with the Taliban movement. The workers and leaders of these organisations have linkages with each other and provide boarding and logistical support to militants.
The Barelvi sect, which was in majority a few decades ago, has been shrinking in recent times, giving way to expansion of Deobandi and Wahabi sects. Spread of literacy, urbanisation and busy modern lifestyle have led to decline in the appeal of the ritualistic Barelvi sect. The urban, semi-educated people are more attracted to a rituals-free, puritan interpretation of the religion.
The Taliban’s militant infrastructure may be concentrated in the northwestern tribal belt, Waziristan, etc, but Mumbai, Karachi and Lahore are the ideological centres of the movement. The seminaries and clerics based in these cities provide ideological direction and literature motivating the activists.
It is not without reason the Taliban honoured and positively responded to the recent appeal made by Deobandi clerics (ulema) of these cities to cease violence and start talks with the government. A Taliban leader was quoted as saying in the media that the edict (fatwa) of these clerics for negotiations with the government has the status of an order for them. Had they not respected the edict, they risked losing support among the followers of these ulema.
Following Karachi, the Taliban movement has now spawned in the interior Sindh as well, which hitherto has been a hub of Sufi (mystic) Islam. South Punjab is already a bastion of the Punjab Taliban, a nomenclature that is used as a variant for anti-Shia and Jihadi sectarian outfits known as Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Sipah-e-Sahaba, Jaish-e-Muhammad, etc. There are hundreds of Taliban-affiliated seminaries in the entire region.
In central Punjab, Jihadi organisations such as the Lashkar-e-Taiba, now working as Jamat-ud-Dawa and with other names like Anjuman Falah-e-Insaniat, etc, are closely allied with the Taliban. In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Deobandis constitute a very large majority of the population. The seminaries of Akora Khattak and Punj Sher (Swabi) have been the nurseries of the Taliban. The students and ulema of these religious schools have played a key role in fostering the Taliban movement in Afghanistan and later in Swat.
What gives impetus to the Taliban movement is the fact that people across the country, in general, are fed up with the corrupt and inefficient state. A majority of people want resolution of their basic issues like unemployment, price hike and inefficient judicial system, whosoever provides these. They are more concerned with their survival issues than the ideas of freedoms and civil liberties.
Our ruling elite is so dishonest, callous in treating the poor and incompetent in governance and service delivery that a large number of people have lost hope in them. In this situation, certain sections of society are looking towards the Taliban as the messiah. The Taliban movement has an appeal for the poor, lower middle class and religious-minded people.
Unless the issues of governance, administration of justice, public education and fair distribution of wealth are addressed, the Taliban movement will keep gaining strength. An intensive military operation against the TTP in North Waziristan and other parts of the northwestern tribal areas may only provide a temporary respite. The Taliban phenomenon has much more to it than militancy. It is going to stay with us and cannot be wished away. We will have to find ways to live with it.
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2013\11\12\story_12-11-2013_pg3_3
The mourning of religio-political and most mainstream parties at the killing of Tehreek-e-Taliban Taliban (TTP) chief Hakimullah Mehsud in a drone attack by the US should not be surprising as these parties have been quite consistent for a long time in expressing their soft corner, if not outright support, for the Taliban movement.
The Jamaat-e-Islami chief, Munawar Hasan, who hit the headlines by declaring Mehsud a martyr, is on record as condemning the military operation against the TTP in South Waziristan in 2010. Imran Khan never spoke a word of sympathy for the common people or army officers killed by the Taliban. Nawaz Sharif has been quite hypocritical in his stance about the militants, with no clear policy on terrorism.
Except for the Pakistan People’s Party, the Awami National Party, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement and Shia and Barelvi clerics, no other party or religious outfit has ever opposed the Taliban. Liberal intellectuals and non-governmental organisations are also on the side of the anti-Taliban formation.
The country stands sharply divided over the issue of dealing with the Taliban with pro-Taliban groups in a dominant majority. Even the Pakistani media, especially the Urdu press, is rife with the supporters of the Taliban though some of them may be a little diplomatic in their posturing. The debate in the print and electronic media over Malala Yousufzai’s book and drone attacks is a manifestation of the penetration of the Taliban mindset into the educated middle class.
The Taliban movement has very deep, wide roots in Pakistani society and it fulfills certain requirements of a majority of our people. One major factor behind the Taliban’s acceptability is their anti-US role as these people rightly or wrongly consider the US to be an enemy of Muslims and Islam.
Until the Taliban are fighting the US forces in Afghanistan and the Pakistan establishment is seen as a US ally, the Taliban will remain popular. Maulana Fazlur Rehman has articulated this sentiment by saying that he would declare even a dog to be a martyr if it is killed by the US.
A large section of Pakistani society may be categorised as ‘moderate Taliban’, people who share the Taliban’s interpretation of Islam and its enforcement but do not like their violent tactics such as suicide bombings, target killings and beheadings. For example, unlike the Taliban who banned all kinds of female education, the moderate Taliban want female education but with the observing of purdah (veil).
The moderate Taliban could be averse to the use of violence in the enforcement of their brand of Sharia at home, but not so while fighting a foreign force like the US-led forces in Afghanistan or Indian forces in Kashmir. The Taliban movement combines a puritan interpretation of religion with elements of anti-westernism, fascism and the trappings of populist rhetoric.
The Taliban movement is not a monolithic organisation led by Hakeemullah Mehsud as a Taliban spokesman himself explained in a recent interview. It is a conglomerate of different groups and dozens of other affiliated sub-groups operating all over the country. It gains strength from the fact that except for organisations belonging to the Shia and Barelvi sects, all religious organisations are in support of the Taliban movement.
The rank and file of religio-political organisations, such as the Jamiat-i-Ulema-e-Islam (Fazl and Sami groups), Tableeghi Jamaat, different organisations of the Ahle-e-Hadith sect and the Jamaat-e-Islami, has an emotional and ideological attachment with the Taliban movement. The workers and leaders of these organisations have linkages with each other and provide boarding and logistical support to militants.
The Barelvi sect, which was in majority a few decades ago, has been shrinking in recent times, giving way to expansion of Deobandi and Wahabi sects. Spread of literacy, urbanisation and busy modern lifestyle have led to decline in the appeal of the ritualistic Barelvi sect. The urban, semi-educated people are more attracted to a rituals-free, puritan interpretation of the religion.
The Taliban’s militant infrastructure may be concentrated in the northwestern tribal belt, Waziristan, etc, but Mumbai, Karachi and Lahore are the ideological centres of the movement. The seminaries and clerics based in these cities provide ideological direction and literature motivating the activists.
It is not without reason the Taliban honoured and positively responded to the recent appeal made by Deobandi clerics (ulema) of these cities to cease violence and start talks with the government. A Taliban leader was quoted as saying in the media that the edict (fatwa) of these clerics for negotiations with the government has the status of an order for them. Had they not respected the edict, they risked losing support among the followers of these ulema.
Following Karachi, the Taliban movement has now spawned in the interior Sindh as well, which hitherto has been a hub of Sufi (mystic) Islam. South Punjab is already a bastion of the Punjab Taliban, a nomenclature that is used as a variant for anti-Shia and Jihadi sectarian outfits known as Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Sipah-e-Sahaba, Jaish-e-Muhammad, etc. There are hundreds of Taliban-affiliated seminaries in the entire region.
In central Punjab, Jihadi organisations such as the Lashkar-e-Taiba, now working as Jamat-ud-Dawa and with other names like Anjuman Falah-e-Insaniat, etc, are closely allied with the Taliban. In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Deobandis constitute a very large majority of the population. The seminaries of Akora Khattak and Punj Sher (Swabi) have been the nurseries of the Taliban. The students and ulema of these religious schools have played a key role in fostering the Taliban movement in Afghanistan and later in Swat.
What gives impetus to the Taliban movement is the fact that people across the country, in general, are fed up with the corrupt and inefficient state. A majority of people want resolution of their basic issues like unemployment, price hike and inefficient judicial system, whosoever provides these. They are more concerned with their survival issues than the ideas of freedoms and civil liberties.
Our ruling elite is so dishonest, callous in treating the poor and incompetent in governance and service delivery that a large number of people have lost hope in them. In this situation, certain sections of society are looking towards the Taliban as the messiah. The Taliban movement has an appeal for the poor, lower middle class and religious-minded people.
Unless the issues of governance, administration of justice, public education and fair distribution of wealth are addressed, the Taliban movement will keep gaining strength. An intensive military operation against the TTP in North Waziristan and other parts of the northwestern tribal areas may only provide a temporary respite. The Taliban phenomenon has much more to it than militancy. It is going to stay with us and cannot be wished away. We will have to find ways to live with it.
