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India to get Extradition treaty with Saudi soon

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Extradition treaty with Saudi soon- Hindustan Times

India and Saudi Arabia are going to soon have an extradition treaty to deny underworld fugitives such as Dawood Ibrahim one more hideout, and a very popular one at that.

“The draft agreement has been finalised and the treaty will be signed soon,” a home ministry official told Hindustan Times. The final touches were given during a visit of a Saudi delegation on January 15-16.

India has been extremely keen on an extradition treaty with Saudi Arabia for many years, but the two countries were unable to breast the tape for one reason or the other.

Underworld figures such as Dawood, who is wanted in India for the 1993 bomb bombings in Mumbai, have often been spotted in Saudi Arabia.

An Indian diplomat recalled finding Dawood at the next table at a Riyadh diner some years ago. The extradition treaty will enable New Delhi to seek Dawood’s arrest and extradition if and when he is seen there next.

West Asian countries have been popular with fleeing Indian underworld figures or those planning attacks against India.

United Arab Emirates, for instance, was a great favourite of these fugitives until India signed an extradition treaty with the kingdom in 1999.

On a request from New Delhi, UAE arrested and handed over underworld don Aftab Ansari wanted in India for the bombing of the American Centre in Kolkata in 2002.

Security agencies have maintained many people arrested with terror connections in India had visited Saudi Arabia and collaborated with their contacts there for funding as well.

“The treaty signed with the UAE has helped us in bringing down subversive activities directed against India,” said the home ministry official.

India is also negotiating such treaties with Israel and Iran, said the official.

Some countries that India has extradition treaties with are Nepal, Belgium, Canada, Netherlands, United Kingdom, Switzerland, Bhutan, Hong Kong, U.S.A, Spain and Turkey.
 
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Manmohan to go to Saudi soon, extradition treaty on cards

New Delhi, Jan 27 : Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is planning to go to Saudi Arabia around the end of February, his first overseas visit of 2010 that will have an extradition treaty and pledges of big-ticket Saudi investments into India as its highlights.

"The visit is under consideration. He could go around February end or the first week of March. It is being finalised," knowledgeable sources told IANS.

It will be the first visit by an Indian prime minister to Riyadh, the world's top oil producer that supplies nearly 30 percent of India's crude oil needs, since Indira Gandhi went there in 1982.

Building upon their counter-terror cooperation since the landmark visit of the Saudi King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz al-Saud in 2006, the two sides are planning to sign an extradition treaty, which they have been discussing for years, during the visit.

The treaty will underline a new trust and synergy between India and the Gulf's most influential country, home to 1.6 million-strong Indian diaspora.

"The draft has been finalised. Only some formalities remain to be completed between the two sides," the sources added.

The cabinet is expected to approve the treaty soon. It will enable India to get access to some of fugitives like underworld don Dawood Ibrahim who are often spotted in Saudi Arabia. Ibrahim is wanted in India for the 1993 serial bombings in Mumbai.

Riyadh is keen to seek greater counter-terror cooperation with New Delhi and has consistently expressed solidarity with India in the wake of the Mumbai attacks.

Another area that is going to see a tangible breakthrough during Manmohan Singh's visit - deferred many a time in the last three years due to scheduling issues - is the expected announcement of some showpiece investments by Saudi companies in the infrastructure sector.

Saudi investors are looking at India, the world's second fastest growing economy, afresh specially after the global financial crisis when they lost heavily in the crunch.

The investment proposals will also be discussed when a Saudi delegation headed by their deputy minister for trade comes to India for the two-day Indo-Arab conclave next month.

India is planning to offer $9 billion in investments to Gulf countries during the conclave, the sources said. Indian companies have already invested around $2 billion in the Gulf's largest economy.

With Saudi Arabia looking at India anew as a knowledge power, expanded cooperation in areas like IT and science and technology will be among important outcomes of the visit.

The spadework for the visit was done by Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee, who attended the eight session of the Joint Commission in Riyadh in October.

India feted King Abdullah as chief guest at the Republic Day parade in 2006 - the first visit by a Saudi monarch to the country in over half a century.

(Manish Chand can be contacted at manish.c@ians.in)

Copyright IANS
 
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Neighbour?s friend

Feb.18 : Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s upcoming visit to Saudi Arabia is long overdue. King Abdullah bin Abdul-Aziz had visited India in January 2006. This was the first visit by a Saudi monarch in 51 years. Dr Singh’s reciprocal visit has been on the cards for the last couple of years. His will be the first trip to Saudi Arabia by an Indian Prime Minister since Indira Gandhi’s visit in 1982. These dates attest the lost decades in the relationship between the two countries. Nevertheless, the Prime Minister’s visit comes at a crucial time in West Asian affairs.


India’s relations with Saudi Arabia did not really take off until about a decade back. During the early years of the Cold War, Riyadh put itself firmly in the American camp, whilst New Delhi stood against all alliances. Two developments in the 1970s drove them further apart. The emasculation of Pakistan in 1971 followed by the oil crisis of 1973 set the stage for closer ties between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. Following the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in 1979, Saudi Arabia cooperated closely with Pakistan and the US in financing the Mujahideen fighting against the Red Army. India sought to adopt a more nuanced stance: it did not openly condemn the Soviet invasion, but privately urged Moscow to pull back. In any event, the gulf between their positions was evident. Despite Indira Gandhi’s visit, it could not be papered over.
In the immediate aftermath of the Cold War, too, the relationship was in choppy waters. India’s ambiguous stance on the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and the subsequent developments antagonised the Saudis, who saw themselves as the next target of Saddam Hussein’s expansionist ambitions. Further, with the onset of the insurgency in Kashmir, the dispute between India and Pakistan once again attracted international attention. The Saudi stance on this issue was a constant irritant to India. Finally, following the Oslo Accords between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organisation, India established diplomatic ties with Israel — a move that caused some friction with the Saudis.
Nevertheless, during this period relations between the two countries were also deepening along other dimensions. As India’s economy liberalised and grew rapidly, energy resources became a major driver of the relationship.
Saudi Arabia is now the largest supplier of oil to India. India, in turn, is the fourth largest importer of Saudi oil — after China, the US and Japan. The “Delhi Declaration” signed during the King’s visit in 2006 called for closer economic engagement and energy partnership. The latter will remain a critical component of the relationship in the years ahead. New Delhi is also looking to attract Saudi companies and investment in the infrastructure sector.
Equally important has been the presence of nearly two million Indians in Saudi Arabia. They constitute the largest community of expatriates in that country and play an important role in its domestic economy. Related to these trends is the strengthening of cultural ties. The number of Indian Muslims visiting the holy sites in Saudi Arabia has been steadily increasing over the last decade. During the Prime Minister’s visit, both countries will look to further strengthen their ties in all of these areas. But they should also focus on four other, pressing issues.
India should look for increased cooperation on countering terrorism. Following the Mumbai attacks of 2008, Riyadh has expressed interest in doing so. An extradition treaty is apparently ready to be signed. It has been under discussion since King Abdullah’s visit to India, and its conclusion will pave the way for better coordination on counter-terrorism. India should also push for an institutional arrangement to share information pertaining to terrorist financing.
India should also have a candid discussion about the situation in Pakistan. To be sure, Islamabad enjoys a much closer relationship with Riyadh. But Saudi Arabia also has the maximum leverage on Pakistan — in many ways even more than the US, let alone China. At various points in Pakistan’s turbulent history, the Saudis have played an important role in its domestic politics. Nawaz Sharif and Pervez Musharraf are the two most recent beneficiaries of Saudi patronage. Saudi clout in Pakistan has only increased lately. Just a few months ago, the Saudis summoned the squabbling politicians of Pakistan for individual discussions. However tricky it might seem, engaging the Al Saud family on Pakistan makes eminent sense for New Delhi.
The deepening crisis in Afghanistan is yet another area where New Delhi and Riyadh could look for some common ground. President Hamid Karzai has recently visited Saudi and requested for Riyadh’s assistance in reaching out to sections of the Taliban. This is an astute move, aimed at minimising Pakistan’s role in any efforts at reconciliation with elements of the insurgency. The Saudis are not entirely sure if they wish to perform this role. They believe that the top leadership of the Taliban will not be willing to sever ties with the Al Qaeda. And the Saudis do not want to assist any process that might end up strengthening the Al Qaeda.
Finally, it is the looming crisis in Iran that will provide the strategic backdrop to the discussions. Iran’s determination to persist with its enrichment activities has generated immense concern among the Arab states, particularly Saudi Arabia. They fear that a nuclear Iran will overturn the precarious regional strategic balance. Simultaneously, they are unnerved at the prospect of a military strike on Iran by the US or Israel. India’s position on the Iranian programme is carefully crafted: as a signatory of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, Iran has the right to peaceful uses of atomic energy, but it must also fulfil its obligations. India has also consistently opposed any military options. This is calculated to preserve India’s own interests vis-à-vis Iran. But it also affords New Delhi the room to offer extended strategic cooperation with Riyadh and other Arab states. Such an approach will not be regarded as inimical by Iran. Given Saudi Arabia’s bulk in India’s extended neighbourhood, it seems sensible to move in this direction.

Srinath Raghavan is a Senior Fellow at the Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi

Srinath Raghavan
 
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