How long can Altaf Hussain stop the Muhajir Suba?
Salahuddin Haider
Monday, June 04, 2012 From Print Edition
KARACHI: The tempo with which the Muhajir Suba campaign was launched, in the opinion of some, may have subsided, but has the issue really been buried, or will it erupt again, and with what intensity?.
That is the question that requires an answer today, will require an answer tomorrow or in the near or distant future. Wall chalking could be controlled, but sentiments are inborn, and could vary in form or shape, depending of course on the circumstances of a given time. Wisdom therefore demands that reasons, logic or even the motives behind political demands championed by howsoever a handful or small group of people needs to be dispassionately probed, carefully scrutinized and effective or at least workable remedies found to forestall a “cause” before it starts becoming horrendous in nature.
History teaches us that ill-conceived, much less open or vehement hostility, towards public aspirations has never paid off. It has, instead, been always counterproductive. Quaid-e-Azam’s 14 points, rejected by the then Congress or the British, culminated in a new State out of the Indian landmass. Use of military might to crush Sheikh Mujeebur Rehman’s 6-points for salvation of the Bengalis, led to Bangladesh.
Today, the social media invariably, is filled with slogans and material for a separate muhajir province. Arshad Siddiqi of the Muhajir Rabita Council and a couple of more like him have pleaded their case forcefully, knowing well that consequence for their utterances on TV or in public could be used against them. Why then are they persevering in their demand, or what is prompting or encouraging them to do that? That is where some soul searching is required to be done.
Street rallies, and that too, with inflammatory language, unfortunately, is not the answer. Similarly, statements from the ruling elite against division of Sindh is not going to help either. Muhajirs, or the Urdu-speaking migrants from India, have a powerful parliamentary representation now — 7 senators, 25 MNAs and more than 50 MPAs in Sindh assembly. They should have felt happy that their voice is reaching the power corridors.
Why then this dissatisfaction? This is the question, a crucial, very vital question. MQM and Altaf Hussain, some of his eminent party leaders, like Saleem Shahzad, Haider Abbas Rizvi, Raza Haroon, have all been backing a united province in Pakistan’s southern side. Yet, the protagonists of a new province in Sindh, have remained unmoved.
In Karachi, Hyderabad, and Mirpurkhas etc, supporters of this old demand have been extremely active and those living in US and Canada are not far behind. This only goes to show that a dead issue has been reborn.
But while Bhutto defeated GM Syed in 1970 elections to defeat the Syed philosophy, Altaf Hussain effectively countered the separatist feelings in Sindh by organizing his MQM and then renamed it for a nationwide appeal. He is even today the last hope for curbing the extremist sentiments provided his hands are strengthened by President Zardari, who is the iron man in the PPP.
Zardari has so far been having a decent rapport with MQM leadership. But people like Zulfikar Mirza (silenced now) and Ayaz Paleejo or Qadir Magsi have only tended to generate the kind of antagonism which is not going to help the cause of a united Sindh. Little do these self styled leaders, who neither have any constituency of their own, nor do they believe in elections, realize that in their over enthusiasm, they are only harming the cause of their province.
Resistance from them will only fuel the controversy and perhaps would make it difficult even for Altaf Hussain to curb the general feeling among some of his followers.
It is now common knowledge that rank and file of muhajirs who include MQM elements also do show reservations about MQM stand on the subject. Rebellion within the MQM would be too harsh a term to describe the feelings of the migrants about the discrimination between local and non locals.
Altaf Hussain has most likely hinted to that when he had said a few weeks ago that things may go out of his hand. Then his recent statement that all those living in Sindh should have equal rights and that there should be no discrimination at any level, does reflect his worries about events, that have already begun to cast their shadows.
Let it be said here that if to talk of Sindh’s division is taboo, then why should’nt the PPP denounce those raising slogan of Sindhu Desh? Why are the PPP leaders silent about the demand from ultra nationalists and why are Nawaz Sharif and Ghous Ali Shah now trying to woo them? The PML-N must clear its’ stand on the Sindhu Desh issue, with the same vehemence as they have renounced the demand for division of Sindh. Has Nawaz Sharif forgotten that he himself had dismissed an elected government of Liaquat Jatoi on the charge of Hakeem Saeed’s murder? MQM was blamed for that, with no clue to support that charge. Nawaz Sharif should also remember initiating a rebellion in Balochistan when he dismissed a sensible government of Akhtar Mengal to replace it with an artificial leadership. He set the ball rolling and is now blaming Musharraf for everything.
Yes, there is one possibility of making Karachi a province. Some hard facts, collected from various record and reference books (whose list can be supplied when the time comes), can easily be cited to support that contention. Demanding a new province is the right of everyone. If PPP can demand Bahawalpur and Multan as separate provinces, why can’t Hazara be a province, and why can’t Karachi then be a province.
Karachi has the second highest literacy rate in Pakistan, after Islamabad, 72.2 percent against 72.4 percent. Karachi district central has the highest literacy ratio of 76 percent. A recent socio-economic survey places Karachi as 1st and 2nd in Pakistan. Lahore follows after Karachi. In case of share for district taxes and revenue collection in Sindh, Karachi contributes almost 96 percent of the total Sindh revenue. Karachi contributed 34.85 percent of total sales tax at the national level. Punjab’s share is 24.05 percent in 2008-09, Khyber Pukhtunkhwa 1.20 percent and Balochistan 0.82 percent.
The PPP government has multiplied the feeling of deprivation among Karachiites with its policies. Of the 5 commissioner in 5 divisions of Sindh, all are Sindhis, and of the 27 deputy commissioners in Sindh 25 are Sindhis. Recently police recruitment were all for Sindhis. Where was the share of urban areas of Sindh in these postings and job recruitments?
Time has come for rulers to take a deep look at their attitude. The local bodies’ rights have been denied to urban Sindh which had added to feelings of deprivation in Karachi, Hyderabad and other cities.
The question to ponder over is can Altaf Hussain remain insensitive to these bitter facts, and for how long?
(The writer was an Adviser in Sindh Government representing MQM. Email:
salluhaider@gmail.com)
abolish all the current states/provinces.
