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Expatriates of the world, unite!

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Expatriates of the world, unite!
BY MURTAZA HAIDER ON SEPTEMBER 14TH, 2011 (1 HOUR AGO)
In the last fiscal year alone, overseas Pakistanis remitted over $11 billion, which accounts for almost 7 per cent of the national economy. On the other hand, total tax revenue generated in Pakistan accounts for 10 per cent of the GDP. Since expatriates contribute such huge sums to their motherland, it may be prudent to formalise expatriates’ role in securing Pakistan’s faltered economy.

One can propose reserved seats for expatriates in Pakistan’s Senate or the Parliament, or permanent representation in the Planning Commission or the State Bank to secure their sustained contributions to the economy. If this proposition seems farfetched, then expatriates may consider launching a development bank or a credit union to gain more control over remittances to Pakistan, which are expected to hit $14 billion next year.

Remittances pouring into Pakistan far exceed the social sector spending by the federal government. In the recent federal budget, the development expenditure is approximated at $5.2 billion, which is again much less than the $11 billion in remittances. Furthermore, remittances are an order of magnitude higher than what Pakistan receives in aid from development banks and donors for social sector spending.

Despite the remarkable contribution to social spending in Pakistan, expatriates have no real representation on any political and economic platform in Pakistan. Imagine for a second that the $2.5 billion in remittances contributed last year by 1.2 million Pakistani workers in UAE were in fact collected as part of a tax levied on overseas Pakistani workers. Shouldn’t the government then consider giving representation to the million Pakistani workers in UAE the same way it gives representation to the million taxpayers (and millions of tax evaders) who reside in Pakistan. After all, no taxation without representation was the slogan behind the American revolution.

I can already see people objecting to the propositions I have laid out above. One may argue that remittances are not taxes, but in fact are funds provided by the expatriate workers to their families back home for altruistic motivations. This may be true. But first let us review how remittances are used by the recipients.

While the government is severely constrained in its ability to assist the needy, the expatriates subsidise the maintenance of a broken social safety net in Pakistan. In most instances, remittances pay for rents, medicines, grocery bills, marriage expenses and other similar needs of low-income households who are unlikely to receive any meaningful support from the government. Similarly, remittances pay for tuition fees for children who would not be educated otherwise because of missing or inadequate public sector schools. The remittances therefore plug the gap in social spending in Pakistan.

Pakistanis have empowered thousands of bureaucrats and legislators at the federal, provincial, and municipal levels to disburse $5.2 billion in social spending. If one were to factor in overheads (wages, rents, fuel purchases, etc.), the services reaching the needy may value much less than $5 billion. On the other hand, $11 billion in remittances do reach the intended recipients with very little overhead. Shouldn’t we then consider empowering the stakeholders (the expatriates) whose social spending in Pakistan exceed that of the public sector social spending by the federal government.

It is unlikely that Pakistan’s political and military elite will allow expatriates any formal role in decision-making. Denying expatriates the recognition they deserve, however, will be a big mistake. Other countries with much smaller expatriate contributions have done more to recognise contributions of their respective expatriate communities.

Consider India where Non-resident Indians (NRIs) are courted by the federal and state governments. This is being done despite the fact that remittances account for merely 4 per cent of the Indian GDP whereas tax revenue accounts for 18 per cent of the Indian economy. In Lebanon, remittances contribute more than what the government collects in taxes while in Philippines remittances rival the total tax revenue.
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The forecast for remittances for the current fiscal year is around $14 billion. This amount may grow even further at a faster rate in the next few years. What then should the expatriates do to better serve their motherland? I believe Pakistani expatriates have an opportunity to launch a development bank and use remittances to generate additional revenue to invest in development projects.

At present, the remittances flow to Pakistan through myriad channels, such as Western Union, who charge a fixed fee plus an amount in proportion to the funds being transferred. The expatriates may want to launch a credit union or a development bank that works with the existing banks allowing expatriates to electronically transfer their funds from their existing bank accounts to the development bank, which should charge considerably lower transaction fees than the competition and encourage expatriates to remit large amounts with disbursement schedules spread over months. The bank will be responsible for holding the funds and disburse as per remitters preferred schedule. As per remitters’ instructions, the development bank will transfer funds to existing retail banks, credit unions, or other financial institutions in Pakistan located close to the recipient.

Since the development bank will charge significantly lower transaction fees for remitting large amounts, the remitters will opt for the bank than other outlets, such as Western Union. For the time that the funds reside with the bank, an opportunity arises to invest those funds in capital markets. The profits generated through such short-term investments will provide capital, which the bank may invest in development projects, such as water supply schemes, etc., by extending interest free loans to communities.

There is still the question of who should decide what projects to invest in. Professor Madhav Badami of McGill University suggests that once the funds for development projects are available, NGOS, municipalities, hospitals and similar institutions should be invited to submit proposals for funding. An international committee of independent experts can adjudicate on the proposals.

Writing in the New York Times in March, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala and Dilip Ratha of the World Bank floated the idea of Diaspora bonds, which developing countries can sell to expatriates to raise capital for development. They also show other arbitrage opportunities where banks in developing countries can create foreign currency assets by receiving remittances in foreign currencies, but paying out in local currency. The foreign currency asset could then be used as collateral for borrowing in overseas capital markets.

Given the lack of trust in state and its functionaries, Diaspora bonds may not work in Pakistan. However, an independently operated financial institution that serves expatriates’ needs by significantly lowering their transaction costs, and at the same time uses remittances to generate investment capital for development projects in Pakistan, may be more attractive to expatriates who could then be directly involved in alleviating poverty in the neighbourhoods they grew up in.
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Murtaza Haider, Ph.D. is the Associate Dean of research and graduate programs at the Ted Rogers School of Management at Ryerson University in Toronto. He can be reached by email at murtaza.haider@ryerson.ca

The views expressed by this blogger and in the following reader comments do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of the Dawn Media Group.
 
Two questions:
1) Who is an expatriate? Is someone who has emmigrated and is now a citizen of another country an expatriate? Or are expatriates Pakistani citizens who live semi-permanently in other countries?

2) Do remittances to Pakistanis from people living outside Pakistan get taxed by Pakistan in any way?
 
Determinants of Low Tax Revenue in Pakistan

Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences (PJSS)
Vol. 30, No. 2 (December 2010), pp. 439-452

Imran Sharif Chaudhry
Professor, Department of Economics
Bahauddin Zakariya University Multan, Pakistan
E-mail: imranchaudhry@bzu.edu.pk
Farzana Munir
M.Phil Scholar, Department of Economics
Bahauddin Zakariya University Multan, Pakistan
E-mail: farzanamunir2@gmail.com

Absract

Low Tax to GDP ratio has always been a problem for economic
development and one major explanation of high budget deficits in
Pakistan. In the present study, an attempt is made to analyze
empirically the determinants of low tax revenue in Pakistan by
employing time-series econometric techniques over the period 1973-
2009. This study investigates whether economic policies, external
variables and social indicators along with elements of tax base can
account for part of the variation in the tax revenue performance in
Pakistan. The empirical results suggest that openness, broad money,
external debt, foreign aid and political stability are the significant
determinants of tax efforts in Pakistan with expected signs. The results
also indicates that the determinants of low tax revenue in Pakistan are
narrow tax base, more dependence on agriculture sector, foreign aid
and low level of literacy rates. Finally, it is concluded that Pakistan
economy can generate high tax to GDP ratio by boosting the openness,
literacy level, political stability and broadening the tax base and by
controlling income inequality, tax evasion and tax exemptions.

I. Introduction
Tax revenue collection is one significant issue of economic development among
others. It has been said that ‘what the government gives it must first take away’. The
economic resources available to society are limited, and so an increase in government
expenditure normally means a reduction in private spending. Taxation is one method of
transferring resources from the private to the public sector, but there are others i.e.
creation of more money, to charge for the goods and services it provides or to borrow.
Taxation has its limits as well, but they considerably exceed the amounts that can be
raised by resorting to the printing press, charging consumers directly, or borrowing. So
while governments often use all four methods of raising resources, taxation is usually by
far the most important source of government revenue.

Pakistan’s economic performance since its emergence in 1947 has remained
volatile across the sectors and provinces, and even its structure has changed over the
time. Since 1971, the year of the breakaway of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh), the
440 Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences Vol. 30, No. 2
government budget has always been in deficit. Whenever this deficit has been large, the
growth rate has faltered, inflation has climbed higher, and most importantly, the economy
has faced a widening current account deficit that has culminated frequently in a balance
of payment crisis. The tax efficiency in Pakistani tax system remained focal point for the
last 25 years. However, despite all efforts the tax to GDP ratio remained constant during
this period. This period is very active political period for Pakistan, which had strong
impacts on the economy of Pakistan. For example the 1980s was peak period of war in
Afghanistan against USSR and Pakistan was a front state. Due to this critical position the
government of Pakistan received huge aid, which adversely affected the tax efforts of
Pakistan government during this period. This was a military rule and to avoid any wrath
from public the government avoided any new taxation and these huge inflows provided
well-justified ground for it. The era of 1990s was also full of events like drastic reduction
in custom duties because of WTO regime, drastic increases in sales tax and income tax
due to IMF conditionalities and due to recession in the economy, the tax to GDP ratio
remained constant. However during this period pressure were on the tax authorities to
increase tax revenue through improved efficiency. So, in the 1990s, the fiscal problem
once again became acute, with the budget deficit fluctuating around 6 percent of GDP. As
expected, this was accompanied by poor economic performance, characterized by a
slowing down of growth to an average of 4 percent per year, as compared to an average
annual rate of 6 percent in the 1980s. Inflation also moved to double-digit levels,
averaging 12 percent a year.

Pakistan’s tax–to-GDP ratio stands today at just below 10 percent and it have been
falling steadily. The fall in tax-to-GDP ratio in recent years has come at a time when
government’s efforts have been increasing focused on macroeconomic stabilization,
under the impetus of various on-going IMF programs. Greater emphasis has been placed
on budget deficit reduction in order to contain the rate of inflation and restore a measure
of fiscal sustainability by arresting the increase in the debt-to-GDP ratio. But the fall in
the tax-to-GDP ratio has made this task increasingly difficult, necessitating sharp
cutbacks in public expenditure, especially on development, thereby affecting the growth
momentum of the economy.

There are a number of reasons about the fall in the tax-to-GDP ratio. The first is
the loss of growth momentum of the economy, especially of large-scale manufacturing
and imports, which constitute the primary tax bases in the economy. This has implied a
low marginal tax-to-GDP ratio, which has resulted over time a fall in the average tax-to-
GDP ratio. The second explanation is related to revenue losses resulting from the ongoing
tax reforms in the country during the decade of the 90’s, especially the process of
trade liberalization which has involved major reductions in statutory rates of import
tariffs. Finally, there is a strong perception that there has been a systemic decline in the
quality of tax administration and in the face of growing evasion and corruption; it is
argued that the incidence of taxes has effectively declined.

The foremost objective of this study is to examine empirically the determinants of
low tax revenue in Pakistan over time. While to capture the variations observed in tax
revenue performance in Pakistan, this study takes economic policy variables, external
variables and social indicators along with elements of tax base. Therefore the rest of the
study is organized as follows. The next section presents a brief overview of Pakistan’s
economy relating to tax structure. Section 3 provides a concise description of theoretical
Imran Sharif Chaudhry, Farzana Munir 441
and empirical literature review on the determinants of tax revenue. Econometric model
and estimation methodology are illustrated in section 4. Section 5 describes the
construction of variables, data sources and descriptive analysis of the selected variables.
Empirical results using time-series regression analysis are produced in section 6. Finally,
section 7 concludes the study.

http://www.bzu.edu.pk/PJSS/Vol30No22010/Final_PJSS-30-2-19.pdf
 

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