Lankan Ranger
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China & India – Emerging Sri Lanka
When the four-day visit of Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajpaksa to New Delhi from 9 June was followed by the visit of the Chinese Vice-Premier Zhang Dejiang to Colombo from 12 June, it looked like a co-incidence.
But analysts and observers would not agree so. It was rather Sri Lanka’s fine balancing act to keep both these mighty neigbours in good humour, while at the same time benefitting from both.
Be that as it may, China’s foray into Sri Lanka in recent years has somewhat heightened India’s engagement in the island nation, separated by the small stretch of the Palk-Strait.
The growing friendship between China and Sri Lanka may not be a matter of concern to India, but New Delhi cannot afford to gloss over China’s increasing presence there.
There is a perception that it may be detrimental to India’s strategic and security interests. While the harbour is generally perceived as an engineering marvel, analysts view it as a symbol of the growing relationship between Beijing and Colombo with China lending $360m for the first phase of the project. Hambontota is in the family constituency of President Rajpaksa.
Building Hambontota is estimated to have cost $1 billion and it is being built in four phases over the period of fifteen years. The project, which envisages building oil and gas terminals, berths and port facilities, like those at Gwadar in Pakistan, has potential for dual use.
The port in Hambontota, deeper than the one at Colombo, is to be used as a refueling and docking station for the Sri Lankan Navy.
Although China and Sri Lanka claim that this is merely a commercial venture, its future utility as a strategic asset for China cannot be ruled out.
Over the years, the Chinese presence in Sri Lanka has increased so much so that there is no major infrastructure project in which the Chinese have not invested.
It is estimated that China was Sri Lanka’s biggest source of foreign funding in 2009.
Besides the much-touted Hambantota port, other projects in which China has invested include an oil-storage facility, a swanky airport, a coal-fired power plant and an expressway. It is also rebuilding the main roads in the war-shattered north and east, and constructing a modern performance arts center. It has also sold diesel railway engines and earth moving equipments.
The relationship between the two countries received a major boost during the recent three-day visit of 30 member delegation led by Chinese Vice-Premier Zhang Dejiang to Colombo, during which as many as six agreements were signed.
The agreements cover highways development, enhanced cooperation in information technology and communication, development of maritime ports and the second phase of the Hambontota Port Development Project and maintenance of the Bandernaike Memorial International Conference Hall. Beijing offered $200 million to Sri Lanka for the second phase of the Hambontota port.
Mr. Zhang who met President Rajpaksa, reiterated China’s commitment to the economic development of Sri Lanka. A statement issued by the Sri Lankan President’s office described the meeting as cordial and constructive.
It further said that the Sri Lankan President thanked China for its continued assistance in the efforts to defeat terrorism and economic and social development both during and after the conflict.5 As a gesture of goodwill, Beijing recently donated 30 Chinese motorcycles to President Rajpaksa's younger brother Basil Rajpaksa, a minister in his brothers’ cabinet, for use by officials in his constituency.
In the past few years, particularly during the regime of President Rajpaksa, China and Sri Lanka have forged a comprehensive strategic relationship. It is a revelation that President Rajpaksa has visited China five times while in office and three times before assuming the Office, which recently prompted the state-owned Sunday Observer to comment that the ‘silky relationship’ has reached new heights during the Rajpaksa era.
Although India has always maintained a friendly and cordial relationship with Sri Lanka and has extended support and assistance, China’s recent inroads into Sri Lanka have accelerated India’s engagement in the island nation more proactively, thoughtfully and imaginatively.
It is against this backdrop that the visit of President Rajpaksa to India in June and the subsequent visit of India’s Naval Chief to Sri Lanka assume importance.
The most significant outcome of the visit of the Sri Lankan President was that the two countries agreed to promote dialogue on security and defence issues and step up high level military exchanges and training.
The two sides agreed to institute an annual defence dialogue between the two governments and to promote the use of space technology for a variety of societal services.
India offered to extend bandwidth to set up satellite-interactive terminals in Sri Lanka.
India also agreed to assist in rebuilding the Palay Airport and the Kankesanthurai Harbour and offered its help in renovating the Duraippah stadium and constructing a cultural center in Jafna. These proposals clearly reflect India’s eagerness to retrieve some of the lost grounds to China.
Sri Lanka’s balancing act between these two mighty neighbours is stastesmanly.
China?s Foray into Sri Lanka and India?s Response | Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses
When the four-day visit of Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajpaksa to New Delhi from 9 June was followed by the visit of the Chinese Vice-Premier Zhang Dejiang to Colombo from 12 June, it looked like a co-incidence.
But analysts and observers would not agree so. It was rather Sri Lanka’s fine balancing act to keep both these mighty neigbours in good humour, while at the same time benefitting from both.
Be that as it may, China’s foray into Sri Lanka in recent years has somewhat heightened India’s engagement in the island nation, separated by the small stretch of the Palk-Strait.
The growing friendship between China and Sri Lanka may not be a matter of concern to India, but New Delhi cannot afford to gloss over China’s increasing presence there.
There is a perception that it may be detrimental to India’s strategic and security interests. While the harbour is generally perceived as an engineering marvel, analysts view it as a symbol of the growing relationship between Beijing and Colombo with China lending $360m for the first phase of the project. Hambontota is in the family constituency of President Rajpaksa.
Building Hambontota is estimated to have cost $1 billion and it is being built in four phases over the period of fifteen years. The project, which envisages building oil and gas terminals, berths and port facilities, like those at Gwadar in Pakistan, has potential for dual use.
The port in Hambontota, deeper than the one at Colombo, is to be used as a refueling and docking station for the Sri Lankan Navy.
Although China and Sri Lanka claim that this is merely a commercial venture, its future utility as a strategic asset for China cannot be ruled out.
Over the years, the Chinese presence in Sri Lanka has increased so much so that there is no major infrastructure project in which the Chinese have not invested.
It is estimated that China was Sri Lanka’s biggest source of foreign funding in 2009.
Besides the much-touted Hambantota port, other projects in which China has invested include an oil-storage facility, a swanky airport, a coal-fired power plant and an expressway. It is also rebuilding the main roads in the war-shattered north and east, and constructing a modern performance arts center. It has also sold diesel railway engines and earth moving equipments.
The relationship between the two countries received a major boost during the recent three-day visit of 30 member delegation led by Chinese Vice-Premier Zhang Dejiang to Colombo, during which as many as six agreements were signed.
The agreements cover highways development, enhanced cooperation in information technology and communication, development of maritime ports and the second phase of the Hambontota Port Development Project and maintenance of the Bandernaike Memorial International Conference Hall. Beijing offered $200 million to Sri Lanka for the second phase of the Hambontota port.
Mr. Zhang who met President Rajpaksa, reiterated China’s commitment to the economic development of Sri Lanka. A statement issued by the Sri Lankan President’s office described the meeting as cordial and constructive.
It further said that the Sri Lankan President thanked China for its continued assistance in the efforts to defeat terrorism and economic and social development both during and after the conflict.5 As a gesture of goodwill, Beijing recently donated 30 Chinese motorcycles to President Rajpaksa's younger brother Basil Rajpaksa, a minister in his brothers’ cabinet, for use by officials in his constituency.
In the past few years, particularly during the regime of President Rajpaksa, China and Sri Lanka have forged a comprehensive strategic relationship. It is a revelation that President Rajpaksa has visited China five times while in office and three times before assuming the Office, which recently prompted the state-owned Sunday Observer to comment that the ‘silky relationship’ has reached new heights during the Rajpaksa era.
Although India has always maintained a friendly and cordial relationship with Sri Lanka and has extended support and assistance, China’s recent inroads into Sri Lanka have accelerated India’s engagement in the island nation more proactively, thoughtfully and imaginatively.
It is against this backdrop that the visit of President Rajpaksa to India in June and the subsequent visit of India’s Naval Chief to Sri Lanka assume importance.
The most significant outcome of the visit of the Sri Lankan President was that the two countries agreed to promote dialogue on security and defence issues and step up high level military exchanges and training.
The two sides agreed to institute an annual defence dialogue between the two governments and to promote the use of space technology for a variety of societal services.
India offered to extend bandwidth to set up satellite-interactive terminals in Sri Lanka.
India also agreed to assist in rebuilding the Palay Airport and the Kankesanthurai Harbour and offered its help in renovating the Duraippah stadium and constructing a cultural center in Jafna. These proposals clearly reflect India’s eagerness to retrieve some of the lost grounds to China.
Sri Lanka’s balancing act between these two mighty neighbours is stastesmanly.
China?s Foray into Sri Lanka and India?s Response | Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses
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