Time For A Game Changer

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Time For A Game Changer ​

What India-Pakistan relations need is not symbolic gestures but a paradigm shift


Ashraf Jehangir Qazi




There is nothing esoteric or mysterious about the formulation of foreign policy. It requires knowing the relevant facts and applying reason and commonsense to them in accordance with desired outcomes. Policy outcomes are related to policy inputs of the relevant parties. So if there is a history of poor relations between India and Pakistan, it is the outcome of the inputs of decision-makers in one or both countries. The blame game has also been an expression of the poor state of relations. As such, whatever the facts, it is likely to be problematic for the task of improving relations.

The focus, instead, should be on the losses suffered by vast numbers of people in both countries as a result of sub-normal relations. When we factor in opportunity costs, i believe we can safely say that the majority of Indians and Pakistanis have significantly suffered as a result of unsatisfactory relations. While they may subscribe to the dominant narrative in their respective countries, they clearly do not desire a relationship that entails personal costs and lost opportunities.

India-Pakistan relations are what they are today largely because decision-makers and influence-wielders in both countries have, for a variety of reasons and perceptions, chosen if not intended them to be what they are. Because of interests and mindsets they have been unable to positively respond to the perceptions, concerns and priorities of each other as a necessary condition for productive discussions, principled compromise and improving the relationship. Instead, each side has been skilled in making a plausible case – especially to its own people – that the other side shoulders the blame for disappointing outcomes.

This reflects the unfortunate fact that, for many, improving relations is not high priority and is seen to involve more effort, pain and risk than it is worth. But for those who believe that a poor India-Pakistan relationship is incompatible with serving the interests of their people, it is incumbent upon them to organise and mobilise public support for more constructive policy approaches. They must demonstrate leadership.

My country is besieged by a plethora of challenges, internal and external. It needs to do a whole lot of things across several policy fronts for its future to be assured. It needs to maximise transformative growth to alter the domestic context in which challenges are tackled. It needs a “conducive” neighbourhood to avail of the essential inputs for transformative growth. For this, it needs a modus vivendi including a range of cooperation with all its neighbours, especially with its larger neighbours, and more especially with those with whom it has significant differences. Without casting principle to the wind, it needs to address differences in a manner consistent with the logic of the larger imperative. We cannot achieve our transformation goals – our primary obligation to our people – in a state of confrontation with India. Accordingly, specific policies need to be pursued and specific policies need to be eschewed. I intend to elaborate on these sets of policies for both countries at a later opportunity.

But generally, we need to satisfy India that we are seriously addressing its core issues of concern [/B](dismantling structures of terrorism including the more vigorous prosecution of those implicated in the Mumbai atrocities, removing impediments to trade, cultural and people-to-people exchanges, abjuring hostile disinformation, etc). But what if we suspectIndia is using these concerns to avoid addressing our concerns [/B](a structured and substantive dialogue process, progress towards a Kashmir settlement, improvements in the human rights situation in Kashmir, non-interference in Balochistan, refraining from using America and Afghanistan as pressure points on Pakistan, improved cooperation on water management issues within the context of the Indus Water Treaty, etc)? Should we then insist on reciprocity as a condition for addressing India's concerns – many of which should be of greater concern to us – when doing so is mandated by our own overriding priority of transformative growth and development?

Logically, we should not. We need to unflinchingly pursue the interests of our people in all circumstances irrespective of India's response. But in reality India will need to see benefit in finding a way to address our concerns for our policy to be sustainable. The reduction of the trust deficit on both sides can only be a resultant of reciprocal policies. This will not be easy. There are major attitudinal barriers and averse stakeholders in both countries who eagerly play the zero sum game. Overcoming this impediment will require a heroic joint endeavour.

But the effort must commence now – and clear public messages articulating the imperative of improved relations should be made by the political leadership of both sides as early as possible, backed by the announcement of significant measures to be immediately implemented with regard to all issues on the bilateral agenda. We need to move beyond symbolic gestures to game changers.

The process of resolving major issues of concern to each side may take time but it must soon generate momentum and transform the context of our relationship so that solutions hitherto considered out of the question begin to beckon. I see no other way forward – and forward we must move.

Our leaders have no option but to jointly collect the Nobel peace award!​

The writer is former Pakistan high commissioner to India.


ToI editorial page article, dated 20th July 2010.