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Special Report - In Modi's India, a case of rule and divide

India election 2014: Welcome to Bhavnagar, where Muslims are free to live – as long as they change their name - Asia - World - The Independent

A Tale Of ‘Two Cities’: Hindu-Muslim Divide Deepening In Ahmedabad, India





India election 2014: Welcome to Bhavnagar, where Muslims are free to live – as long as they change their name
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Many Hindus don't want to live next door to a Muslim

rO0ABXQAY2Z7aHR0cDovL3d3dy5pbmRlcGVuZGVudC5jby51ay9pbmNvbWluZy9hcnRpY2xlOTI4Nzk0OS5lY2UvYWx0ZXJuYXRlcy93NjIwL0JoYXZuYWdhci5qcGd9Zjc3NzdmMzIwdA==.jpg

The house of Ali Ashgar Zaveri who cannot move into his home because of opposition from Hindus

By ANDREW BUNCOMBE
Friday 25 April 2014

The bungalow on Bhavnagar’s Sanatorium Road needs a lick of paint but its spacious plot and location in a quiet residential area would draw the eye of many a prospective buyer.

It certainly caught the attention of Ali Asghar Zaveri, a Muslim scrap metal dealer, who completed the purchase at the beginning of the year and was preparing to move in. But the 30-year-old Mr Zaveri has not been able to occupy his property because many of his prospective Hindu neighbours do not want to live next to a Muslim.

For the last few months, residents of the Krishna Nagar neighbourhood have been sitting outside Mr Zaveri’s property, chanting Hindu prayers and banging metal plates in protest. This week, the issue earned national attention after the leader of an extremist Hindu organisation delivered a speech in which he allegedly urged the residents to occupy the property by force and not to fear the law.

In pictures: India elections 2014


“Go with stones, tyres and tomatoes,” Pravin Togadia, president of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), reportedly said.

Delivered half-way through India’s election process, the speech by Mr Togadia was condemned by presumed front-runner Narendra Modi, leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Yet the dispute has drawn attention to the increasing polarisation – political, social and geographic – between Hindus and Muslims in Gujarat, where Mr Modi is serving his fourth term as chief minister.

When The Independent visited Krishna Nagar, four police officers outside the bungalow claimed everything was peaceful. Yet the sense of calm was perhaps deceiving.

A rare Muslim family living nearby said they had been in the area for 30 years and had not experienced any problems. Yet they said Hindu residents did not want new Muslim arrivals. The atmosphere had become tense since Mr Togadia gave his speech.

“We have had no problems. But in this area there are many new Hindu residents. The new people don’t want any more Muslims to settle here,” said Nilufa Lakhani, who has three children.

Her husband, Khalid, said that Mr Zaveri had come and asked him about the neighbourhood and that he told him it was peaceful. He said he knew many cases in Bhavnagar where Muslims had faced similar problems and that the situation had worsened since the 2002 anti-Muslim riots in which the city had suffered badly.

“Whenever you go to buy or rent, the people are dissenting. Their mind-set is that we are traitors,” he said.

Nobody in Krishna Nagar admitted to having been involved in the protests. One man said to have been an organiser refused to comment and loudly admonished his neighbours for discussing the matter.

rO0ABXQAZGZ7aHR0cDovL3d3dy5pbmRlcGVuZGVudC5jby51ay9pbmNvbWluZy9hcnRpY2xlOTI4Nzk2NC5lY2UvYWx0ZXJuYXRlcy93NDYwL0JoYXZuYWdhcjIuanBnfWY3Nzc3ZjMyMHQ=.jpg
BJP campaigning in Krishna Nagar area


Yet a number of residents explained the opposition to Mr Zaveri. They claimed most Hindus in Gujarat were strictly vegetarian and the residents would be “upset” by the eating habits of non-vegetarian neighbours. Several said they feared the arrival of Mr Zaveri would lead to more Muslims and that the neighbourhood would stop being Hindu. One man claimed Muslims were not clean.

One Hindu resident, Seema Shah, claimed property prices in the area would fall if a Muslim bought a house because “no Hindu would want to stay next to a Muslim”. “The big problem is of the different culture, the food habits,” said Ms Shah, who claimed the area was full of staunch BJP supporters.

At times, it seems that efforts to keep Krishna Nagar a Hindu area have gone to extreme lengths. One Muslim resident said they had been forced to take on a Hindu name and have a purification ritual, or hawan, involving a fire, performed at their home, in order to remain in the neighbourhood after buying their house.

“There was a ritual right here,” said the resident, who said their parents were of different religions. “Everyone who was involved in this matter came. Now the matter is closed. It’s peaceful.”

The person added: “We wanted to stay in our beautiful house. That is why we changed our name. They asked us to change our surname. They said if you want to stay here, change your name. So that was the solution we came to.”

The person asked not to be identified and declined to identify which residents had insisted on the name change. Another resident, a Hindu, who also asked not to be identified, confirmed the person’s claim, saying the name-changing happened two years ago.

Mr Zaveri bought the bungalow from Kishorsinh Gohil, a businessman who had in turn bought it three years ago with the intention of giving it to his son, who decided he did not like it. “There was no problem and then word leaked out,” he said. “I am not sure who created the problem.”

Charges have been filed against Mr Togadia and the authorities are said to be examining a video recording of the speech he delivered. He has denied the comments and said people were defaming him.

Mr Togadia, who has been previously accused of making similar speeches, failed to respond to questions. However, a VHP leader in Bhavnagar, SD Jani, said he had invited Mr Togadia to visit Bhavnagar and that people wanted to hear him speak.

Mr Jani said they were supporting the residents of Krishna Nagar and he denied that the president of the VHP, which has close links to Mr Modi’s BJP, had made a hate speech. “He said only that the person who purchased the property should go back to his Muslim locality,” he said.

Asked whether the VHP’s actions were damaging India’s attempts to achieve religious and ethnic inclusion, he said it would be better if communities lived in different areas. He even called for the imposition of the state’s so-called disturbed areas act in Bhavnagar so that Hindus and Muslims were prevented from buying property in areas that were predominantly of the other religion.

As it is, Mr Jani’s wish for Hindus and Muslims to live in separate areas is already happening in large parts of urban Gujarat. Areas such as Juhapura in Ahmedabad, where up to 450,000 Muslims live, is separated from Hindu areas by a high wall. Others neighbourhoods such as Citizens’ Nagar, bought by charities as temporary resettlement camps after the 2002 violence which left 2,000 people dead, still do not have regular water, roads or sanitation.

Yet rather than being addressed, the polarisation during Mr Modi’s 12 years as chief minister has increased. The disturbed areas act – initially introduced in 1991 to protect minorities from distress sales in the wake of violence – is now in place in 40 per cent of Ahmedabad. Last summer India’s Supreme Court questioned whether, 12 years after the 2002 killings, so many parts of Ahmedabad remained sensitive areas.

The Indian Express newspaper commented: “More Muslims and Hindus have moved into separate spaces in Gujarat, finding trust and assurance only among neighbours of their own community, and it has ended up entrenching segregation and shutting Muslims out of the mainstream.”

Ikram Baig, of the Islamic Relief Committee of Gujarat, said ghettoisation had started in the 1980s, increasing every time there was violence. Now even wealthy Muslims were buying homes in places such as Juhapura, he said, adding that Mr Modi had never made any genuine attempt to reach out to Muslims. “If he had done it with his heart, then maybe people would have believed him. But his heart is so hard because of his ideology.”

Mr Zaveri has yet to comment on his property dispute and appears to be lying low. He failed to respond to phone calls. His mother, Nafisa, who lives in a narrow lane close to Bhavnagar’s Haluriya roundabout, said she had not seen her son recently and claimed she knew nothing about the bungalow.

Yet she said she had been upset when she learned of Mr Togadia’s speech. She said: “How can India just be a Hindu area if there are Muslims here as well?”
 
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Are you playing hide and seek kid :lol:

Yup playing. Playing with you kid.

Special Report - In Modi's India, a case of rule and divide

India election 2014: Welcome to Bhavnagar, where Muslims are free to live – as long as they change their name - Asia - World - The Independent

A Tale Of ‘Two Cities’: Hindu-Muslim Divide Deepening In Ahmedabad, India





India election 2014: Welcome to Bhavnagar, where Muslims are free to live – as long as they change their name
A

A

A
Many Hindus don't want to live next door to a Muslim

rO0ABXQAY2Z7aHR0cDovL3d3dy5pbmRlcGVuZGVudC5jby51ay9pbmNvbWluZy9hcnRpY2xlOTI4Nzk0OS5lY2UvYWx0ZXJuYXRlcy93NjIwL0JoYXZuYWdhci5qcGd9Zjc3NzdmMzIwdA==.jpg

The house of Ali Ashgar Zaveri who cannot move into his home because of opposition from Hindus

By ANDREW BUNCOMBE
Friday 25 April 2014

The bungalow on Bhavnagar’s Sanatorium Road needs a lick of paint but its spacious plot and location in a quiet residential area would draw the eye of many a prospective buyer.

It certainly caught the attention of Ali Asghar Zaveri, a Muslim scrap metal dealer, who completed the purchase at the beginning of the year and was preparing to move in. But the 30-year-old Mr Zaveri has not been able to occupy his property because many of his prospective Hindu neighbours do not want to live next to a Muslim.

For the last few months, residents of the Krishna Nagar neighbourhood have been sitting outside Mr Zaveri’s property, chanting Hindu prayers and banging metal plates in protest. This week, the issue earned national attention after the leader of an extremist Hindu organisation delivered a speech in which he allegedly urged the residents to occupy the property by force and not to fear the law.

In pictures: India elections 2014


“Go with stones, tyres and tomatoes,” Pravin Togadia, president of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), reportedly said.

Delivered half-way through India’s election process, the speech by Mr Togadia was condemned by presumed front-runner Narendra Modi, leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Yet the dispute has drawn attention to the increasing polarisation – political, social and geographic – between Hindus and Muslims in Gujarat, where Mr Modi is serving his fourth term as chief minister.

When The Independent visited Krishna Nagar, four police officers outside the bungalow claimed everything was peaceful. Yet the sense of calm was perhaps deceiving.

A rare Muslim family living nearby said they had been in the area for 30 years and had not experienced any problems. Yet they said Hindu residents did not want new Muslim arrivals. The atmosphere had become tense since Mr Togadia gave his speech.

“We have had no problems. But in this area there are many new Hindu residents. The new people don’t want any more Muslims to settle here,” said Nilufa Lakhani, who has three children.

Her husband, Khalid, said that Mr Zaveri had come and asked him about the neighbourhood and that he told him it was peaceful. He said he knew many cases in Bhavnagar where Muslims had faced similar problems and that the situation had worsened since the 2002 anti-Muslim riots in which the city had suffered badly.

“Whenever you go to buy or rent, the people are dissenting. Their mind-set is that we are traitors,” he said.

Nobody in Krishna Nagar admitted to having been involved in the protests. One man said to have been an organiser refused to comment and loudly admonished his neighbours for discussing the matter.

rO0ABXQAZGZ7aHR0cDovL3d3dy5pbmRlcGVuZGVudC5jby51ay9pbmNvbWluZy9hcnRpY2xlOTI4Nzk2NC5lY2UvYWx0ZXJuYXRlcy93NDYwL0JoYXZuYWdhcjIuanBnfWY3Nzc3ZjMyMHQ=.jpg
BJP campaigning in Krishna Nagar area


Yet a number of residents explained the opposition to Mr Zaveri. They claimed most Hindus in Gujarat were strictly vegetarian and the residents would be “upset” by the eating habits of non-vegetarian neighbours. Several said they feared the arrival of Mr Zaveri would lead to more Muslims and that the neighbourhood would stop being Hindu. One man claimed Muslims were not clean.

One Hindu resident, Seema Shah, claimed property prices in the area would fall if a Muslim bought a house because “no Hindu would want to stay next to a Muslim”. “The big problem is of the different culture, the food habits,” said Ms Shah, who claimed the area was full of staunch BJP supporters.

At times, it seems that efforts to keep Krishna Nagar a Hindu area have gone to extreme lengths. One Muslim resident said they had been forced to take on a Hindu name and have a purification ritual, or hawan, involving a fire, performed at their home, in order to remain in the neighbourhood after buying their house.

“There was a ritual right here,” said the resident, who said their parents were of different religions. “Everyone who was involved in this matter came. Now the matter is closed. It’s peaceful.”

The person added: “We wanted to stay in our beautiful house. That is why we changed our name. They asked us to change our surname. They said if you want to stay here, change your name. So that was the solution we came to.”

The person asked not to be identified and declined to identify which residents had insisted on the name change. Another resident, a Hindu, who also asked not to be identified, confirmed the person’s claim, saying the name-changing happened two years ago.

Mr Zaveri bought the bungalow from Kishorsinh Gohil, a businessman who had in turn bought it three years ago with the intention of giving it to his son, who decided he did not like it. “There was no problem and then word leaked out,” he said. “I am not sure who created the problem.”

Charges have been filed against Mr Togadia and the authorities are said to be examining a video recording of the speech he delivered. He has denied the comments and said people were defaming him.

Mr Togadia, who has been previously accused of making similar speeches, failed to respond to questions. However, a VHP leader in Bhavnagar, SD Jani, said he had invited Mr Togadia to visit Bhavnagar and that people wanted to hear him speak.

Mr Jani said they were supporting the residents of Krishna Nagar and he denied that the president of the VHP, which has close links to Mr Modi’s BJP, had made a hate speech. “He said only that the person who purchased the property should go back to his Muslim locality,” he said.

Asked whether the VHP’s actions were damaging India’s attempts to achieve religious and ethnic inclusion, he said it would be better if communities lived in different areas. He even called for the imposition of the state’s so-called disturbed areas act in Bhavnagar so that Hindus and Muslims were prevented from buying property in areas that were predominantly of the other religion.

As it is, Mr Jani’s wish for Hindus and Muslims to live in separate areas is already happening in large parts of urban Gujarat. Areas such as Juhapura in Ahmedabad, where up to 450,000 Muslims live, is separated from Hindu areas by a high wall. Others neighbourhoods such as Citizens’ Nagar, bought by charities as temporary resettlement camps after the 2002 violence which left 2,000 people dead, still do not have regular water, roads or sanitation.

Yet rather than being addressed, the polarisation during Mr Modi’s 12 years as chief minister has increased. The disturbed areas act – initially introduced in 1991 to protect minorities from distress sales in the wake of violence – is now in place in 40 per cent of Ahmedabad. Last summer India’s Supreme Court questioned whether, 12 years after the 2002 killings, so many parts of Ahmedabad remained sensitive areas.

The Indian Express newspaper commented: “More Muslims and Hindus have moved into separate spaces in Gujarat, finding trust and assurance only among neighbours of their own community, and it has ended up entrenching segregation and shutting Muslims out of the mainstream.”

Ikram Baig, of the Islamic Relief Committee of Gujarat, said ghettoisation had started in the 1980s, increasing every time there was violence. Now even wealthy Muslims were buying homes in places such as Juhapura, he said, adding that Mr Modi had never made any genuine attempt to reach out to Muslims. “If he had done it with his heart, then maybe people would have believed him. But his heart is so hard because of his ideology.”

Mr Zaveri has yet to comment on his property dispute and appears to be lying low. He failed to respond to phone calls. His mother, Nafisa, who lives in a narrow lane close to Bhavnagar’s Haluriya roundabout, said she had not seen her son recently and claimed she knew nothing about the bungalow.

Yet she said she had been upset when she learned of Mr Togadia’s speech. She said: “How can India just be a Hindu area if there are Muslims here as well?”

“This is The Border,” my friend said. Beyond the field was a massive concrete wall topped with barbed wire and oval surveillance cameras. On the other side, we could see a neat row of beige apartment blocks with air conditioners securely attached to the windows — housing for middle-class Hindu families.

http://www.nytimes.com/2014/04/19/opinion/being-muslim-under-narendra-modi.html?_r=0

Hindu Muslim we are all India. :rofl:
 
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Special Report - In Modi's India, a case of rule and divide
Wed May 14, 2014 12:25pm IST

getGalleryImages


1 of 3
By John Chalmers and Frank Jack Daniel

AHMEDABAD India (Reuters) - Ali Husain is a prosperous young Muslim businessman. He recently bought a Mercedes and lives in a suburban-style gated community that itself sits inside a ghetto.

In Gujarat, it is so difficult for Muslims to buy property in areas dominated by Hindus even the community's fast-growing urban middle class is confined to cramped and decrepit corners of cities.

Husain embodies the paradox of Gujarat: the state's pro-business leadership has created opportunities for entrepreneurs of all creeds; yet religious prejudice and segregation are deeply, and even legally, engrained.

If a Muslim enquires about a property in a new development, often the response is: "Why are you even asking?" said Husain, speaking at his home in the Muslim neighbourhood of Juhapura, where filthy slum streets rub against smart new apartment blocks and enclaves.


Separation of communities is common across India. Nowhere is it as systematised as it has become in Gujarat.

That matters because the state's chief minister, Narendra Modi, could soon run the country. Exit polls show that when results of a general election are announced on May 16, Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its allies will win a majority in parliament, almost certainly making him the next prime minister.

The 63-year-old Hindu nationalist has ruled Gujarat since 2001. He has surrounded himself with technocrats - and also ministers and advisers who promote "Hindutva", a belief in the supremacy of Hinduism. As prime minister, Modi would lead not just 975 million Hindus but 175 million Muslims, around 15 percent of India's population and the third-largest Muslim population in the world.

Modi's record in his state is clouded by riots in 2002, when 1,000 people, mostly Muslims, died in a frenzy of mob violence. Modi still struggles to shake off the perception he did not do enough to stop the bloodshed, despite a Supreme Court investigation that found no case against him and his own insistence he did all he could to keep the peace.

Even some Hindus connect Modi to the riots. Pradeep Shukla, a prominent Hindu businessman and former member of the BJP in the Gujarati town of Bhavnagar said Hindus "believe that, somewhere, indirectly, Modi had a hand in it because he supports Hindus. This is why they vote for him."

On the campaign trail, Modi has tried to project a moderate image with a platform that downplays hot-button Hindu issues and emphasises growth and "development for all".

But in Gujarat's neighbourhoods and cities, people tell a different story.



HISTORY SCARRED BY VIOLENCE

Husain is one of roughly 400,000 people living in Juhapura, a teeming Muslim township within Ahmedabad, Gujarat's largest city. Many of them moved there after the 2002 riots. Local Hindus jokingly refer to it as "Little Pakistan".

India's history is scarred by episodes of horrific Hindu-Muslim violence. At least 200,000 people were killed in the months after the country was divided into India and Pakistan at independence from Britain in 1947. The destruction of an ancient mosque in 1992 by Hindu zealots in Ayodhya triggered religious rioting across India. Modi visited Ayodhya on May 5, repeatedly invoking the name of Lord Ram.

Memories of the 2002 rioting have not faded for the many residents of Juhapura who lost relatives, homes and businesses. And its legacy has been increasing segregation.

In particular, a property law unique to Gujarat has perpetuated segregation, creating ghettos such as Juhapura and a sense of apartheid in some urban areas.

The "Disturbed Areas Act", a law that restricts Muslims and Hindus from selling property to each other in "sensitive" areas, was introduced in 1991 to avert an exodus or distress sales in neighbourhoods hit by inter-religious unrest.

Modi's government amended the law in 2009 to give local officials greater power to decide on property sales. It also extended the reach of the law, most recently in 2013 - 11 years after the last major religious riots.

The state government says the law is meant to protect Muslims, who account for just under 10 percent of the state's 60 million people. "It prevents ethnic cleansing and people being forced out," a senior government official who requested anonymity told Reuters.

Critics say the act's continued enforcement and the addition of new districts covered by it - about 40 percent of Ahmedabad is now governed by the law - means it is effectively being applied as a tool of social engineering.

The Gujarat High Court in a 2012 case questioned the state government’s use of the act to block the sale of properties by Hindus to Muslims.

The Indian Express newspaper said in a recent editorial: "More Muslims and Hindus have moved into separate spaces in Gujarat, finding trust and assurance only among neighbours of their own community, and it has ended up entrenching segregation and shutting Muslims out of the mainstream."



"SPIT ON HIM"

Among those pressing hardest for the law to be maintained and extended to other parts of Gujarat are Hindu nationalists, such as Pravin Togadia.

One evening in April, Togadia sat before a crowd of neighbours in a tranquil residential street of Bhavnagar, an otherwise bustling town three hours drive from Ahmedabad. To bursts of applause, he railed against a Muslim scrap dealer, Ali Asghar Zaveri, who had dared to purchase a property there.

His forehead smeared with vermillion, a mark of piety, Togadia told his audience they should break open their new neighbour's padlocked gates and take over the two houses behind them before Zaveri could get a chance to move in.

"When he comes out onto the street, you should spit on him," he told the gathering. "Get 10-15 children to stand around and ... throw tomatoes at him."

Togadia added that if Zaveri did not give up the property, which he reportedly bought for $250,000, they should go in their thousands to his scrap shop and surround it.

"Take stones with you, burn tyres," he said, according to a video of the meeting, which concluded with women in the crowd of around 100 people chanting a Hindu hymn.

The video was posted on YouTube (click
to see). Local police, who acquired a copy, have filed a case of "hate speech" against Togadia.

Togadia is president of the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), a pugnacious group in a family of Hindu nationalist organisations that includes Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

Togadia did not respond to questions from Reuters. According to local media reports, he said news articles about the incident were "fabricated and written with malicious intention to malign" both him and his organisation.

Modi did not comment directly on the VHP leader's outburst. But in a tweet widely interpreted as condemnation, he said he disapproved of "petty statements by those claiming to be the BJP's well-wishers".

Modi was not available to comment for this story.



ESCALATING PROPERTY PRICES

Bhavnagar is not covered by the Disturbed Areas Act. But in one district of the town, Hindus have effectively imposed it, raising a banner at the entry to a narrow lane that reads: "In this area, locality or by-lane no property or building can be sold or rented to people who are not of this religion."

Reuters interviewed two local VHP leaders who said they have made repeated requests since 2004 for Bhavnagar to be put under the Disturbed Areas Act.

One of the two, S.D. Jani, said Hindus object to Muslims living among them because they are not vegetarian and many have committed acts of terrorism abroad. His colleague, Kirit Mistry, complained that Muslims slaughter cows, which are sacred to Hindus, and that the Muslim population is growing faster than Hindus because they have more children.

Several Hindus who declined to be named for this story said if Muslims buy property in their areas, the value of their own homes falls. One said the stigma of living alongside Muslims can make it difficult for Hindus to marry off their daughters.

One consequence of the segregation: land and home prices in Juhapura and other Muslim areas have escalated more than in Hindu areas as the community finds its ability to expand and build more properties limited.

“Prices have increased so much because the expansion of Juhapura has been contained, not only by walls but also by the building of Hindu colonies ...at the periphery of the locality,” Christophe Jaffrelot, a scholar with the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, wrote in a recent column in the Indian Express.



MUSLIMS FOR MODI

At the same time, some Muslims in Gujarat have been lifted on a tide of rising prosperity. The state has long been a model of economic success in India given its coastal location, large ports and industrialisation.

According to National Survey Sample Office figures, for instance, Gujarat is one of the top states for Muslim employment. The national unemployment rate among Muslims was almost double that of Gujarati Muslims in 2009-10.

But the picture is far from clear. Data from the same source showed nearly one in three Gujarati Hindus had a secondary education or higher in 2009-10, against one in five for Muslims - roughly in line with the average for Muslims across the country.

Zafar Sareshwala is among those who have prospered. One of Gujarat's wealthiest Muslims, he owns a chain of BMW showrooms. Sareshwala supports Modi even though his family was financially ruined by the 2002 unrest. His view changed overnight the following year, he said, after a meeting with Modi.

"He was deeply anguished. He was apologetic about the scale of the damage," Sareshwala recalled. "Modi promised justice would be delivered and said he would never discriminate against Muslims."

Sareshwala estimated that 30 percent of Gujarat's Muslims now back the BJP thanks to urban development and access to services that Modi has brought. Opinion polls have not projected the Muslim vote in Gujarat.

"People call him a dictator, I call him decisive," he said.

Even much poorer Muslims back Modi. In a dirt-poor Ahmedabad riverside slum of about 150 families, most of them Muslim, five of eight women who spoke with Reuters said they had voted for the BJP, even though Modi's government bulldozed their rickety homes two years ago, forcing them to rebuild away from the waterfront.

"Modi has done some good work. Our children can get scholarships and school meals. Women feel protected, and widows get compensation," said 48-year-old Shabnam Banu, sitting on the floor with her friends in a simple room where a slow-moving ceiling fan did little to alleviate the pre-monsoon heat.

Still, Banu herself couldn't bring herself to vote for Modi, selecting the "none of the above" option on election day.

"Our main fear is he will throw us out of the country," she said. "What if some of his people come and attack us?"



PEOPLE ARE AFRAID

In Juhapura, businessman Ali Husain has made it his mission to break down barriers between the state's communities. Two years ago he persuaded a major developer to sell homes to Muslims in luxury townships on the edge of Ahmedabad, and he is now working with a Hindu company to produce Halal food.

Other initiatives have flopped. In February, Husain organised a Hindu-Muslim business conclave, sponsored by the state government and addressed by Modi. Few Muslims turned up. "Truly speaking, the Muslims, they are not with Modi," he said.

Husain has bought a house in a Hindu area of Ahmedabad, and wants to move out of Juhapura. But his parents are too scared to leave. He is too nervous to even take the sheet off his Mercedes because neighbours might think, after his recent meeting with Modi, he has sold out for money.

"I encourage Muslims to come out of Muslim areas and live everywhere, to end ghettoization," Husain said. "But ... people are afraid that if they come out the violence could happen again."



(Additional reporting by Aditi Shah in BHAVNAGAR, VADODARA and AHMEDABAD, India and by Himanshu Ojha in LONDON; Editing by Simon Robinson and Bill Tarrant)
 
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Whats wrong if Muslims wanna live together. Closely related people come close.

then they should have migrated to pak in 1947 instead of staying back in india. they should know what they are getting when they stayed back in india
 
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then they should have migrated to pak in 1947 instead of staying back in india. they should know what they are getting when they stayed back in india

No wonder they are suffering..
 
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