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Looking back at Xi's diplomacy
FORGING AHEAD: Chinese President Xi Jinping (fourth right) and his wife Peng Liyuan (third right) along with foreign leaders, attend a welcoming banquet for the 22nd Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Economic Leaders' Meeting in Beijing November 10 (LAN HONGGUANG)
Commanding the world's second largest economy is an arduous task, as Chinese President Xi Jinping knows well. China commenced its broadest reform in more than 30 years in 2014, leaving Xi with an active domestic agenda. In addition to efforts within the mainland, the Chinese leader has spent nearly a quarter of his time raising China's international profile.
This year, Xi made seven overseas trips that took him to 18 countries spanning five continents, where he attended a string of international meetings including the Nuclear Security Summit, G20 Summit, Summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and BRICS Summit. Within China, Xi has not only frequently met with visiting foreign leaders but also presided over two important international conferences—respectively the Fourth Summit of the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia in May and the 22nd Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Leaders' Meeting in November.
Through this series of moves, Xi's diplomatic style is emerging as a more enterprising Chinese strategy becomes more readily apparent to the rest of the world.
Pursuing targets
The main theme of Xi's diplomacy has focused on fostering a more enabling international environment for China's development. Through this focus, he stresses the realization of the "Chinese dream"—the great renewal of the Chinese nation—as well as the "two centenary goals." The goals, formally put forth at the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in November 2012, aim to double the 2010 GDP and per-capita income of urban and rural residents and finish the building of a moderately prosperous society in all respects when the Party celebrates its centenary in 2021. The goal is to turn China into a modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced and harmonious when the People's Republic celebrates its centenary in 2049.
In April, when presiding over the first meeting of the National Security Commission, Xi proposed a comprehensive national security outlook, touching on politics, territory, military affairs, the economy and natural resources. He stressed diplomacy as a key component of the strategy, noting its function of serving domestic reform and safeguarding national security.
In line with the domestic anti-corruption agenda, the Chinese Government has notably expanded judicial cooperation with other countries. Thus far, the country has established an initial network and platform for chasing fugitives overseas and recovering stolen funds through bilateral treaties, multilateral treaties and law-enforcement cooperation mechanisms. Up to the end of 2014, China has concluded 39 extradition treaties with other countries and 52 mutual legal assistance treaties. China has also actively participated in the negotiation and implementation of the UN Convention Against Corruption. As one of the major achievements of the 2014 APEC Economic Leaders' Week, APEC members agreed to set up a cross-border law enforcement network to strengthen transnational anti-corruption cooperation in the region.
Xi's diplomacy has proven to be a more active and flexible strategy in dealing with territorial disputes with neighboring countries. On the one hand, China strengthens patrolling and law enforcement in its territorial waters and exclusive economic zones to deter the provocations of Japan, Viet Nam and the Philippines. It also resists US intervention in the East and South China Sea issues. These efforts are effective ways of safeguarding China's core national interests. On the other hand, China adheres to the principle of settling disputes through dialogue and peaceful negotiation, maintaining cooperation as the main stream of China's neighborhood diplomacy.
The once strained China-Japan relations thawed somewhat with the meeting between Xi and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe during the APEC Leaders' Meeting in Beijing. The Japanese side euphemistically acknowledged disputes between the two countries over the Diaoyu Islands in the East China Sea. Abe also stressed that the current Japanese administration will maintain the same views as those held by previous governments regarding Japan's aggressive history in World War II (WWII). The two sides now have begun negotiations on the establishment of a maritime crisis management mechanism.
At the Ninth East Asia Summit held in Myanmar in November, Chinese Premier Li Keqiang officially proposed a new approach for solving territorial disputes in the South China Sea between China and some member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). China and ASEAN members have agreed to a dual-track approach for dealing with the issue, according to which specific disputes are to be solved through negotiations and consultations by countries directly concerned. Peace and stability in the region will be jointly upheld by China and ASEAN countries working together. "China and ASEAN agreed to actively carry out consultation to reach, on the basis of consensus and at an early date, a code of conduct in the South China Sea, for which an early harvest has been achieved," the Chinese premier announced.
The presentation of the dual-track approach marks a subtle adjustment of China's tactics, changing from a refusal to discuss the issue at any multilateral occasions to accepting its necessity.
Changing the tune
Xi took power at a time of profound and complex changes in the interactions between China and the world. The international community is concerned with the nature of China's growing global presence and whether it will seek hegemony in Asia and challenge the international pattern that has been dominated by the West since the end of WWII. Xi seemingly has already given a clear answer. In a November speech at the Federal Parliament of Australia in Canberra, Xi noted a durable truth when he said that despite its large size, China's forefathers over 2,000 years ago realized that a warlike country, however big it might be, is bound to collapse. Xi vowed that China will remain unshakable in its resolve to pursue peaceful and common development, and will continue to follow a win-win strategy of opening up.
At the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs held from November 28 to 29 in Beijing, Xi called for the development of a distinctive diplomatic approach befitting China's status as a major country. "We should, on the basis of summing up our past practice and experience, enrich and further develop our diplomatic perceptions as well as conduct diplomacy with a salient Chinese character and a Chinese vision," he said.
The outside world paid close attention to Xi's speech. Some observers claim that the conference sent a message that China is giving up the late Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping's diplomatic stance of "keeping a low profile," while some others believe it is a kind of policy of mollification to the international community. These views are narrow and one-sided. China is dedicated to development under the current international system. In the meantime, it is becoming more active and confident in participating in international affairs. China strives to international situation instead of following the beaten path. China is in fact making efforts to incorporate its own progress much more closely with the world's development.
The resurgence of populism is one of the major features of the international situation in 2014. China's peaceful development strategy is also challenged by sentiments of ultra-nationalism and military adventurism at home. But Xi has determined to resist such distracting forces and kept a clear mind.
Adjusted scenarios
While focusing on Asia, Xi's diplomacy presents a trend of building strategic partnerships widely with both the East and the West, paving the way for China's status as a major country in the world.
Xi's diplomacy places particular emphasis on neighboring countries. His 2014 visits included trips to Russia, Mongolia and South Korea, respectively. When hosting the APEC Economic Leaders' Meeting, China also invited leaders of neighboring countries that are non-APEC members including Mongolia, Tajikistan, Pakistan, Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos and Bangladesh to Beijing for the dialogue devoted to strengthening interconnectivity partnerships.
Under Xi's leadership, China's diplomatic approach has moved away from overemphasizing stable China-US relations to focusing on more balanced relations with major players in the international community. While exploring ways to build a new type of major-country relations with the United States featuring no conflict and no confrontation, China also actively deepens its strategic partnership with Russia, the EU and India, promoting the trend of multi-polarization. On the Ukraine crisis, China refuses to pick sides. It neither participates in the Western sanctions against Russia, nor does it join hands with Russia to confront with the West. Rather, it works to promote the settlement of the crisis through political dialogue.
Though China-US relations have seen ups and downs in the past year due to friction over trade, human rights, cyber security, the South China Sea and Hong Kong issues, their overall bilateral ties have maintained positive momentum.
In November, US President Barack Obama paid his second visit to China since taking office. Xi and Obama had in-depth talks, during which they reiterated the consensus on building a new type of major-country relations between the world's two largest economies. The two countries also agreed to enhance cooperation on a wide range of topics including climate change, investment and military exchanges.
However, within the United States there exists growing anxiety toward China's rapid development within the United States. Despite Obama's frequent reiteration that the United States welcomes a peaceful and prosperous China and has no intention of containing China, his administration acts as though they view China as a major competitor and insists on the advancement of its pivot-to-Asia strategy featuring military deployment in the Asia-Pacific region surrounding China. Thus, China-US relations have many challenges remaining in the future.
Sharing profits
On August 8, in an interview with The New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman, Obama claimed that China had been a free rider for 30 years, and that no one expected China to play the role. Half a month later, when visiting Mongolia, Xi seemingly gave an indirect response to the US accusation. During his address at the Mongolian parliament on August 22, Xi said, "China is willing to offer opportunities and room to Mongolia and other neighbors for common development. You can take a ride on our express train or simply hitchhike. All are welcome."
In fact, China not only sincerely welcomes its neighbors to share the fruits of its development but has also taken many concrete measures already. For example, it has tirelessly promoted the building of the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road that encompass a large number of Asian, European and African economies.
China has also announced a $40-billion Silk Road Fund to improve infrastructure in Asia. The "One Belt and One Road" initiatives both focus on Asian countries. Through them, China aims to build a "community of destiny" together with its neighbors by strengthening interconnectivity to provide these countries with more public goods.
In the meantime, China has also committed to a $50-billion investment of funds in the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank in addition to a $41-billion contribution to the $100-billion emergency reserve fund to be launched by BRICS countries—Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa.
Another major move China takes in 2014 is expanding regional trade liberalization. In the past year, China substantially concluded bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) negotiations with South Korea and Australia, respectively. It has also sped up the negotiations on an upgraded China-ASEAN FTA and the Comprehensive Economic Partnership in East Asia.
At the foreign affairs meeting in November, Xi urged China's diplomatic service to give full consideration to both domestic and international markets, both domestic and foreign resources as well as both domestic and international rules; to act in good faith and uphold justice; and to promote a new type of international relations featuring mutually beneficial cooperation.
The year of 2014 saw the ushering in of China's new diplomacy, yet the road ahead could be full of uncertainties. Will the "One Belt and One Road" initiatives come out of the geopolitical shadow? Can the Asia-Pacific free trade blueprint proposed by China be compatible with the US-dominated Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement? Will the West put more pressure on China using human rights as an excuse? And can China-US relations and China-Japan relations see more improvement in the future? Xi's leadership must confront all of these challenges step by step.
FORGING AHEAD: Chinese President Xi Jinping (fourth right) and his wife Peng Liyuan (third right) along with foreign leaders, attend a welcoming banquet for the 22nd Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Economic Leaders' Meeting in Beijing November 10 (LAN HONGGUANG)
Commanding the world's second largest economy is an arduous task, as Chinese President Xi Jinping knows well. China commenced its broadest reform in more than 30 years in 2014, leaving Xi with an active domestic agenda. In addition to efforts within the mainland, the Chinese leader has spent nearly a quarter of his time raising China's international profile.
This year, Xi made seven overseas trips that took him to 18 countries spanning five continents, where he attended a string of international meetings including the Nuclear Security Summit, G20 Summit, Summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and BRICS Summit. Within China, Xi has not only frequently met with visiting foreign leaders but also presided over two important international conferences—respectively the Fourth Summit of the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia in May and the 22nd Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Leaders' Meeting in November.
Through this series of moves, Xi's diplomatic style is emerging as a more enterprising Chinese strategy becomes more readily apparent to the rest of the world.
Pursuing targets
The main theme of Xi's diplomacy has focused on fostering a more enabling international environment for China's development. Through this focus, he stresses the realization of the "Chinese dream"—the great renewal of the Chinese nation—as well as the "two centenary goals." The goals, formally put forth at the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in November 2012, aim to double the 2010 GDP and per-capita income of urban and rural residents and finish the building of a moderately prosperous society in all respects when the Party celebrates its centenary in 2021. The goal is to turn China into a modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced and harmonious when the People's Republic celebrates its centenary in 2049.
In April, when presiding over the first meeting of the National Security Commission, Xi proposed a comprehensive national security outlook, touching on politics, territory, military affairs, the economy and natural resources. He stressed diplomacy as a key component of the strategy, noting its function of serving domestic reform and safeguarding national security.
In line with the domestic anti-corruption agenda, the Chinese Government has notably expanded judicial cooperation with other countries. Thus far, the country has established an initial network and platform for chasing fugitives overseas and recovering stolen funds through bilateral treaties, multilateral treaties and law-enforcement cooperation mechanisms. Up to the end of 2014, China has concluded 39 extradition treaties with other countries and 52 mutual legal assistance treaties. China has also actively participated in the negotiation and implementation of the UN Convention Against Corruption. As one of the major achievements of the 2014 APEC Economic Leaders' Week, APEC members agreed to set up a cross-border law enforcement network to strengthen transnational anti-corruption cooperation in the region.
Xi's diplomacy has proven to be a more active and flexible strategy in dealing with territorial disputes with neighboring countries. On the one hand, China strengthens patrolling and law enforcement in its territorial waters and exclusive economic zones to deter the provocations of Japan, Viet Nam and the Philippines. It also resists US intervention in the East and South China Sea issues. These efforts are effective ways of safeguarding China's core national interests. On the other hand, China adheres to the principle of settling disputes through dialogue and peaceful negotiation, maintaining cooperation as the main stream of China's neighborhood diplomacy.
The once strained China-Japan relations thawed somewhat with the meeting between Xi and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe during the APEC Leaders' Meeting in Beijing. The Japanese side euphemistically acknowledged disputes between the two countries over the Diaoyu Islands in the East China Sea. Abe also stressed that the current Japanese administration will maintain the same views as those held by previous governments regarding Japan's aggressive history in World War II (WWII). The two sides now have begun negotiations on the establishment of a maritime crisis management mechanism.
At the Ninth East Asia Summit held in Myanmar in November, Chinese Premier Li Keqiang officially proposed a new approach for solving territorial disputes in the South China Sea between China and some member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). China and ASEAN members have agreed to a dual-track approach for dealing with the issue, according to which specific disputes are to be solved through negotiations and consultations by countries directly concerned. Peace and stability in the region will be jointly upheld by China and ASEAN countries working together. "China and ASEAN agreed to actively carry out consultation to reach, on the basis of consensus and at an early date, a code of conduct in the South China Sea, for which an early harvest has been achieved," the Chinese premier announced.
The presentation of the dual-track approach marks a subtle adjustment of China's tactics, changing from a refusal to discuss the issue at any multilateral occasions to accepting its necessity.
Changing the tune
Xi took power at a time of profound and complex changes in the interactions between China and the world. The international community is concerned with the nature of China's growing global presence and whether it will seek hegemony in Asia and challenge the international pattern that has been dominated by the West since the end of WWII. Xi seemingly has already given a clear answer. In a November speech at the Federal Parliament of Australia in Canberra, Xi noted a durable truth when he said that despite its large size, China's forefathers over 2,000 years ago realized that a warlike country, however big it might be, is bound to collapse. Xi vowed that China will remain unshakable in its resolve to pursue peaceful and common development, and will continue to follow a win-win strategy of opening up.
At the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs held from November 28 to 29 in Beijing, Xi called for the development of a distinctive diplomatic approach befitting China's status as a major country. "We should, on the basis of summing up our past practice and experience, enrich and further develop our diplomatic perceptions as well as conduct diplomacy with a salient Chinese character and a Chinese vision," he said.
The outside world paid close attention to Xi's speech. Some observers claim that the conference sent a message that China is giving up the late Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping's diplomatic stance of "keeping a low profile," while some others believe it is a kind of policy of mollification to the international community. These views are narrow and one-sided. China is dedicated to development under the current international system. In the meantime, it is becoming more active and confident in participating in international affairs. China strives to international situation instead of following the beaten path. China is in fact making efforts to incorporate its own progress much more closely with the world's development.
The resurgence of populism is one of the major features of the international situation in 2014. China's peaceful development strategy is also challenged by sentiments of ultra-nationalism and military adventurism at home. But Xi has determined to resist such distracting forces and kept a clear mind.
Adjusted scenarios
While focusing on Asia, Xi's diplomacy presents a trend of building strategic partnerships widely with both the East and the West, paving the way for China's status as a major country in the world.
Xi's diplomacy places particular emphasis on neighboring countries. His 2014 visits included trips to Russia, Mongolia and South Korea, respectively. When hosting the APEC Economic Leaders' Meeting, China also invited leaders of neighboring countries that are non-APEC members including Mongolia, Tajikistan, Pakistan, Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos and Bangladesh to Beijing for the dialogue devoted to strengthening interconnectivity partnerships.
Under Xi's leadership, China's diplomatic approach has moved away from overemphasizing stable China-US relations to focusing on more balanced relations with major players in the international community. While exploring ways to build a new type of major-country relations with the United States featuring no conflict and no confrontation, China also actively deepens its strategic partnership with Russia, the EU and India, promoting the trend of multi-polarization. On the Ukraine crisis, China refuses to pick sides. It neither participates in the Western sanctions against Russia, nor does it join hands with Russia to confront with the West. Rather, it works to promote the settlement of the crisis through political dialogue.
Though China-US relations have seen ups and downs in the past year due to friction over trade, human rights, cyber security, the South China Sea and Hong Kong issues, their overall bilateral ties have maintained positive momentum.
In November, US President Barack Obama paid his second visit to China since taking office. Xi and Obama had in-depth talks, during which they reiterated the consensus on building a new type of major-country relations between the world's two largest economies. The two countries also agreed to enhance cooperation on a wide range of topics including climate change, investment and military exchanges.
However, within the United States there exists growing anxiety toward China's rapid development within the United States. Despite Obama's frequent reiteration that the United States welcomes a peaceful and prosperous China and has no intention of containing China, his administration acts as though they view China as a major competitor and insists on the advancement of its pivot-to-Asia strategy featuring military deployment in the Asia-Pacific region surrounding China. Thus, China-US relations have many challenges remaining in the future.
Sharing profits
On August 8, in an interview with The New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman, Obama claimed that China had been a free rider for 30 years, and that no one expected China to play the role. Half a month later, when visiting Mongolia, Xi seemingly gave an indirect response to the US accusation. During his address at the Mongolian parliament on August 22, Xi said, "China is willing to offer opportunities and room to Mongolia and other neighbors for common development. You can take a ride on our express train or simply hitchhike. All are welcome."
In fact, China not only sincerely welcomes its neighbors to share the fruits of its development but has also taken many concrete measures already. For example, it has tirelessly promoted the building of the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road that encompass a large number of Asian, European and African economies.
China has also announced a $40-billion Silk Road Fund to improve infrastructure in Asia. The "One Belt and One Road" initiatives both focus on Asian countries. Through them, China aims to build a "community of destiny" together with its neighbors by strengthening interconnectivity to provide these countries with more public goods.
In the meantime, China has also committed to a $50-billion investment of funds in the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank in addition to a $41-billion contribution to the $100-billion emergency reserve fund to be launched by BRICS countries—Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa.
Another major move China takes in 2014 is expanding regional trade liberalization. In the past year, China substantially concluded bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) negotiations with South Korea and Australia, respectively. It has also sped up the negotiations on an upgraded China-ASEAN FTA and the Comprehensive Economic Partnership in East Asia.
At the foreign affairs meeting in November, Xi urged China's diplomatic service to give full consideration to both domestic and international markets, both domestic and foreign resources as well as both domestic and international rules; to act in good faith and uphold justice; and to promote a new type of international relations featuring mutually beneficial cooperation.
The year of 2014 saw the ushering in of China's new diplomacy, yet the road ahead could be full of uncertainties. Will the "One Belt and One Road" initiatives come out of the geopolitical shadow? Can the Asia-Pacific free trade blueprint proposed by China be compatible with the US-dominated Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement? Will the West put more pressure on China using human rights as an excuse? And can China-US relations and China-Japan relations see more improvement in the future? Xi's leadership must confront all of these challenges step by step.
