faries
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need more info also @pr1v4t33r about DAMEN PKR 116, if this confirmed than it will be real frigate...maybe @madokafc have more info about this.
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mengkom
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initial_d
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Oh, sorry i am online using my phone, i can't read it gkgkgk....well i hope pindad will defeloped new polymer handgun with stryker fire and a crisp trigger, 17 round mag capacity, compact size....well i imagine it will be like a mix of FN FNS9 and a PPQ, and i would love to see pindad developing modular polymer assault rifle that can be calibre change from 5.52x45 to 308cal like acr or desert tech mdr
pr1v4t33r
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SIGMA 11514. Not PKR, not a real frigate either, only a proposed model, 2900Ton. The length is about 116 meter. Still, it would be very interesting if the Navy pursue this model for the next frigate program. So we expand PKR project every 2 units from 105, 115 to 125 or even bigger
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katarabhumi
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Australia looks to Indonesia for Plan B as balance of power shifts in Asia
Lisa Murray - 4 November 2016
There's a reason why Australia and Indonesia's proposal for joint patrols in the South China Sea attracted so much attention this week.
Timing.
On the surface, it's not unusual the two countries would increase maritime co-operation. They have been conducting joint naval patrols along their shared border for the past six years, with the operations mainly targeted at illegal fishing.
So extending those operations to the South China Sea or the Sulu Sea, while significant because of the web of territorial disputes in the area, is not too much of a stretch.
However, it comes at a time of heightened instability in the region, as China's neighbours face the prospect of a reduced role for the United States in Asia following the election next week.
Donald Trump has flagged a more inward-looking foreign policy and while Hillary Clinton was the main architect of the Asia "pivot," later renamed the "rebalancing", she has stated her strong opposition to the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the largest multi-lateral trade agreement ever negotiated, whose signatories include Vietnam, Malaysia and Singapore.
Meanwhile, two of the biggest US allies in the region, the Philippines, under new President Rodrigo Duterte, and Malaysia, led by scandal-plagued Prime Minister Najib Razak, have moved to strengthen ties with China in recent weeks, both signing multibillion-dollar infrastructure deals.
"There is a clear sense the American security commitment to the region is wobbly and not just if there is a Trump government," says Anthony Milner, international director at Asialink at the University of Melbourne.
"Countries are adapting to the idea that the American role in the region might be much reduced."
In that context, Milner wonders whether Australia is developing a "Plan B" and the joint patrols being discussed with Indonesia are part of the new strategy.
Both countries are big players in the region, with large economies, and they are non-claimants in the South China Sea disputes (although Jakarta has objected to China's controversial marker, the nine-dash line, which is used to claim the bulk of the sea and encroaches on the waters surrounding Indonesia's Natuna Islands).
"If Australia is genuinely trying to develop warmer working relations with our neighbours, that's a good development," says Milner.
"I don't think it plugs into an anti-China containment strategy," he quickly adds. "These are subtle moves. I think it would be carefully designed. Indonesia wants elbow room and a sense of autonomy and both countries want options."
Le Hong Hiep, a visiting fellow at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore, says the patrols could be "another development to upset the trend in which China seems to be advancing in the region at the expense of the US through its tightening relations with the Philippines and Malaysia."
"Indonesia is typical of the regional response to China's assertiveness in the South China Sea," says Hiep.
"They tend to compartmentalise the relationship, maintaining warm economic ties with China but wanting to be a little bit harder on the South China Sea issue, which is a serious security threat in the region."
The possibility of the joint patrols wasn't so much announced as blurted out.
After a high-level meeting in Bali last week, Indonesia's Defence Minister Ryamizard Ryacudu told reporters he had proposed coordinated patrols and Australia had "more or less agreed".
On Monday, his Australian counterpart Marise Payne confirmed the patrols had been discussed but both sides have since emphasised details on timing, location and the extent of the coordination was still to be worked out. And Indonesia has stressed they would be "peace patrols."
It's another example of the region's delicate dance with Beijing over the South China Sea; making a stand without being too provocative.
A lot of analysts refer to it as countries in the region hedging their bets with China: pursuing a stronger economic relationship while pushing back against some of its more assertive claims in the South China Sea.
Milner refers to it as a strategy of "smart accommodation."
"They all know China is a dominant power in the region and they can't counter it but they want to get as much out of the relationship as they can," he says.
"They don't want a struggle of the major powers in the region but it helps to have the US there."
Indonesian President Joko Widodo has pursued a closer relationship with China, meeting with leader Xi Jinping no less than five times in the past two years. However, there have also been a series of clashes between Indonesian warships and Chinese fishing boats in the waters surrounding the Natuna Islands. And Widodo is facing the prospect of rising anti-China sentiment at home arising from a political battle in Jakarta and protests against the city's ethnic-Chinese, non-muslim governor.
His visit to Australia next week will be significant as the two countries forge a closer relationship at a time when the balance of power in the region is shifting.
http://www.afr.com/news/policy/fore...e-of-power-shifts-in-asia-20161103-gshs54#nav
Lisa Murray - 4 November 2016
There's a reason why Australia and Indonesia's proposal for joint patrols in the South China Sea attracted so much attention this week.
Timing.
On the surface, it's not unusual the two countries would increase maritime co-operation. They have been conducting joint naval patrols along their shared border for the past six years, with the operations mainly targeted at illegal fishing.
So extending those operations to the South China Sea or the Sulu Sea, while significant because of the web of territorial disputes in the area, is not too much of a stretch.
However, it comes at a time of heightened instability in the region, as China's neighbours face the prospect of a reduced role for the United States in Asia following the election next week.
Donald Trump has flagged a more inward-looking foreign policy and while Hillary Clinton was the main architect of the Asia "pivot," later renamed the "rebalancing", she has stated her strong opposition to the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the largest multi-lateral trade agreement ever negotiated, whose signatories include Vietnam, Malaysia and Singapore.
Meanwhile, two of the biggest US allies in the region, the Philippines, under new President Rodrigo Duterte, and Malaysia, led by scandal-plagued Prime Minister Najib Razak, have moved to strengthen ties with China in recent weeks, both signing multibillion-dollar infrastructure deals.
"There is a clear sense the American security commitment to the region is wobbly and not just if there is a Trump government," says Anthony Milner, international director at Asialink at the University of Melbourne.
"Countries are adapting to the idea that the American role in the region might be much reduced."
In that context, Milner wonders whether Australia is developing a "Plan B" and the joint patrols being discussed with Indonesia are part of the new strategy.
Both countries are big players in the region, with large economies, and they are non-claimants in the South China Sea disputes (although Jakarta has objected to China's controversial marker, the nine-dash line, which is used to claim the bulk of the sea and encroaches on the waters surrounding Indonesia's Natuna Islands).
"If Australia is genuinely trying to develop warmer working relations with our neighbours, that's a good development," says Milner.
"I don't think it plugs into an anti-China containment strategy," he quickly adds. "These are subtle moves. I think it would be carefully designed. Indonesia wants elbow room and a sense of autonomy and both countries want options."
Le Hong Hiep, a visiting fellow at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore, says the patrols could be "another development to upset the trend in which China seems to be advancing in the region at the expense of the US through its tightening relations with the Philippines and Malaysia."
"Indonesia is typical of the regional response to China's assertiveness in the South China Sea," says Hiep.
"They tend to compartmentalise the relationship, maintaining warm economic ties with China but wanting to be a little bit harder on the South China Sea issue, which is a serious security threat in the region."
The possibility of the joint patrols wasn't so much announced as blurted out.
After a high-level meeting in Bali last week, Indonesia's Defence Minister Ryamizard Ryacudu told reporters he had proposed coordinated patrols and Australia had "more or less agreed".
On Monday, his Australian counterpart Marise Payne confirmed the patrols had been discussed but both sides have since emphasised details on timing, location and the extent of the coordination was still to be worked out. And Indonesia has stressed they would be "peace patrols."
It's another example of the region's delicate dance with Beijing over the South China Sea; making a stand without being too provocative.
A lot of analysts refer to it as countries in the region hedging their bets with China: pursuing a stronger economic relationship while pushing back against some of its more assertive claims in the South China Sea.
Milner refers to it as a strategy of "smart accommodation."
"They all know China is a dominant power in the region and they can't counter it but they want to get as much out of the relationship as they can," he says.
"They don't want a struggle of the major powers in the region but it helps to have the US there."
Indonesian President Joko Widodo has pursued a closer relationship with China, meeting with leader Xi Jinping no less than five times in the past two years. However, there have also been a series of clashes between Indonesian warships and Chinese fishing boats in the waters surrounding the Natuna Islands. And Widodo is facing the prospect of rising anti-China sentiment at home arising from a political battle in Jakarta and protests against the city's ethnic-Chinese, non-muslim governor.
His visit to Australia next week will be significant as the two countries forge a closer relationship at a time when the balance of power in the region is shifting.
http://www.afr.com/news/policy/fore...e-of-power-shifts-in-asia-20161103-gshs54#nav
pr1v4t33r
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Domestic long-endurance UAS, Rajawali 720, ready for flight at the end of this year.
Sanca MRAP, 50 units initial order
Badak FSV, 50 units initial order
ILSV, 20 units initial order
P6 ATAV, 18 units initial order
P2 Commando, 5 units initial order
P2 APC, 5 units initial order
Sanca MRAP, 50 units initial order
Badak FSV, 50 units initial order
ILSV, 20 units initial order
P6 ATAV, 18 units initial order
P2 Commando, 5 units initial order
P2 APC, 5 units initial order
Last edited:
katarabhumi
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Sorry but I prefer this one for "crowd control"...
...and much better looking too.
#Wikken
#Wikken
pr1v4t33r
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Sorry but I prefer this one for "crowd control"...
That would be for "crowd gatherer", since the mass would stick close to her like a glue
NKRI
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Sorry but I prefer this one for "crowd control"...
...and much better looking too.
#Wikken
GraveDigger388
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That would be for "crowd gatherer", since the mass would stick close to her like a glue
It's 1 in the morning...
anas_nurhafidz
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PT Daya Radar Utama Receives Order from TNI AL and TNI AD
LCU for Leopard carrier with max payload 1500 DWT for TNI AD (photo : Defense Studies)
Second landing ship tank in build
Having delivered the landing ship tank (LST) KRI Teluk Bintuni to the Indonesian Navy (TNI-AL) last year, shipbuilder PT Daya Radar Utama (Hall A, Stand P020) is now working on additional orders for military logistics vessels.
The company confirmed to the Show Daily that it has recently received an order from the Ministry of Defence to build two 99m-long Landing Craft Utility vessels for the Indonesian Army (TNI-AD).
Delivery is planned from the end of 2018. In addition, PT Daya Radar Utama is working on the build of the second LST for the TNI-AL.
While derived from Teluk Bintuni, the absence of a hangar means the design is slightly smaller with regard to both length and beam. First steel was cut in June 2016, with handover planned for early 2018.
In addition, PT Daya Radar Utama is working on the build of the LST for the TNI AL. While derived from Teluk Bintuni, the absence of a hangar means the design is slightly smaller with regard to both length and beam. First steel was cut in June 2016, with handover planned for early 2018.
www.defense-studies.blogspot.co.id/2016/11/pt-daya-radar-utama-receives-order-from.html?m=0
LCU for Leopard carrier with max payload 1500 DWT for TNI AD (photo : Defense Studies)
Second landing ship tank in build
Having delivered the landing ship tank (LST) KRI Teluk Bintuni to the Indonesian Navy (TNI-AL) last year, shipbuilder PT Daya Radar Utama (Hall A, Stand P020) is now working on additional orders for military logistics vessels.
The company confirmed to the Show Daily that it has recently received an order from the Ministry of Defence to build two 99m-long Landing Craft Utility vessels for the Indonesian Army (TNI-AD).
Delivery is planned from the end of 2018. In addition, PT Daya Radar Utama is working on the build of the second LST for the TNI-AL.
While derived from Teluk Bintuni, the absence of a hangar means the design is slightly smaller with regard to both length and beam. First steel was cut in June 2016, with handover planned for early 2018.
In addition, PT Daya Radar Utama is working on the build of the LST for the TNI AL. While derived from Teluk Bintuni, the absence of a hangar means the design is slightly smaller with regard to both length and beam. First steel was cut in June 2016, with handover planned for early 2018.
www.defense-studies.blogspot.co.id/2016/11/pt-daya-radar-utama-receives-order-from.html?m=0
Nilgiri
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Sorry but I prefer this one for "crowd control"...
...and much better looking too.
#Wikken
Can I sign up?
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