What's new

India’s Snub to China on OBOR: Unwise to Ignore Economic Interests

tw00tw00

BANNED
Joined
Sep 26, 2016
Messages
840
Reaction score
1
Country
Singapore
Location
United States
https://www.thequint.com/opinion/2017/05/15/india-snub-china-one-belt-one-road

India’s Snub to China on OBOR: Unwise to Ignore Economic Interests

By Manoj Joshi

Out to isolate Pakistan on the issue of terrorism, India finds itself isolated in the bigger game reshaping the geopolitical map of the world. China’s ‘One Belt One Road’ scheme will have momentous consequences, yet New Delhi has refused to even engage China on the issue by staying out of the Belt and Road Forum that took place in Beijing on Sunday and Monday.

The Chinese work on long-range plans; many of their achievements of today are a result of the effort that has gone into them in the past thirty years. Take Shenzen, the greenfield city that today powers China’s economy. It began as a rural backwater opposite Hong Kong on the mainland 40 years ago. Or, the six Chinese high tech zones – which started with a dozen or so establishments in the 1990s and today typically feature 30-40,000 businesses, including the leading companies of the world.

Why is China Seeking an Economic Embrace?
What does this have to do with OBOR? Everything. Having achieved the status of the world’s largest manufacturer and exporter, China is now in the process of transforming itself once again. The benchmarks are 2021, the centenary of the founding of the ruling Communist Party of China, and 2049, which will mark hundred years of the People’s Republic of China. The first involves the doubling of the GDP as of 2010, and making China a “moderately prosperous society”, and the second is to take China to the level of a “moderately developed country”, which means a per capita GDP of $55,000.

To achieve this, China needs to maintain an annual per capita growth rate of at least 6.3 percent till 2021 and 5.8 percent through 2049. Both these are daunting targets and China is facing severe challenges in meeting them, in part because of the headwinds of the global economy, and, in part, the excesses of the past, which include over-investment, overcapacity in certain industries, and indebted state-owned enterprises (SOEs).
thequint%2F2017-05%2F427118a1-4092-4da2-89d2-c75e8f032681%2Fc681f926-7fd7-4803-8b1c-692853443114.jpg

Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, left, is greeted by Chinese President Xi Jinping during the welcome ceremony for the Belt and Road Forum in Beijing on 15 May 2017. (Photo: AP)
China can no longer depend on an investment and export driven model. Instead, it must enhance domestic consumption and enhance productivity through innovation-driven growth. This is where OBOR comes in.

Using its vast monetary reserves to invest in developing infrastructure and economies around its periphery, China is simultaneously seeking to get rid of its excess capacity in areas like steel and cement while drawing large swathes of its neighbourhood into a closer economic embrace.

Lessons from OBOR Initiative
  • Through ‘One Belt One Road’ project, China is reaching out to the West by enhancing its rail and maritime connectivity.
  • While India’s protest over China-Pakistan Economic Corridor is justified, confrontationist approach doesn’t bode well for Delhi’s economic interests.
  • OBOR can be helpful to India as well by offering connectivity not just across South-East Asia but also Europe as well.
  • While Delhi has been unable to augment its internal infrastructure, state-owned enterprises have failed on the delivery front.
  • The Chabahar scheme, International North South Transportation Corridor among those projects that are yet to be completed.
Raising the Stakes
The actual Chinese target is Europe with its affluent economy, high levels of technology and lifestyle products that the Chinese middle class crave for. China is reaching out to the affluent West through high-speed rail links and enhanced maritime connectivity.

Simultaneously, China is upgrading its own industrial capacities through R&D and acquisitions. In the past year, China has acquired the Swiss agribusiness giant Syngenta and the world’s foremost automotive robotics company, KUKA. It has spent over $150 billion in acquiring companies in the area of integrated circuits or chips, though in the past year, the regulators have prevented companies like Micron, Western Digital, AIXTRON and Toshiba from selling their chip businesses to China.

Western assessments are that in areas like artificial intelligence, biotech and electric cars, Chinese technology, backed by an enormous amount of government funding, is already amongst the best in the world.


Distracted by Pakistan
We in India are distracted by the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor or the activities of China in Sri Lanka, and are taking our eye off the ball in the main game. The Indian Ocean activity is a side-show, albeit understandably important for India because it’s in our neighbourhood and its military elements are all too clearly visible.

OBOR is a Chinese national project, aimed at fulfilling Chinese goals.

The government of India cannot but formally protest the CPEC going through Pakistan-occupied-Kashmir. But the tone and tenor suggests that, perhaps, we are protesting too much.

And that the remonstrations are a pretext to adopt a needlessly confrontationist stand against China. At least thrice in the past 70 years, India has been willing to formalise a border along the Line of Control in Jammu & Kashmir, so to make out that Chinese projects in Gilgit-Baltistan are the cause of Indian ire is to truly miss the wood for the trees.


thequint%2F2017-05%2F29b90b34-570e-4d81-9a6d-e5ea69a2b313%2FChina%20New%20Silk%20Road_Webf%20(1).jpg

A security official walks by a pagoda at the Yanqi Lake International Conference Center, where the Belt and Road Forum was being held, in Beijing on 15 May 2017. (Photo: AP)
A Missed Opportunity
A more sophisticated policy would use OBOR for Indian purposes where it can. India cannot stop OBOR, neither can it ignore and nor will it be immune to its effects. While it’s true that pipelines and railroads hardwire a destination, ports do not, and can be used by anyone. If China promotes an economic zone in Sri Lanka or East Africa, Indian businesses are free to utilise them for their own ends.

India is a member of the Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the New Development Bank. What is to stop it from seeking funding there to hardwire its own connectivity schemes to South-East Asia and across Iran to Europe?


Focus on Implementation of Projects
New Delhi has two problems — first, India’s own hopeless internal infrastructure, setting which right should be its priority. Second, it lacks the structure of capable state-owned enterprises which can execute projects in quick time. The 19.2-km Kamchiq tunnel in Uzbekistan built by the China Railway Tunnel Group was completed in 2016 in exactly three years, the 756-km Addis Ababa-Djibouti railway in five years by the China Railway Group. These are just random examples of the accomplishments of Chinese companies.

As far as India is concerned, the Chabahar scheme, the Kaladan Multimodal project and the International North South Transportation Corridor have been in the works since the 2000s and none of them are complete and the last-named has not even begun. The same is the case with the India-Myanmar-Thailand highway project begun in 2001.

Beyond the issue of connectivity, India needs to up its economic game by doing more, rather than less planning. As we see, China’s achievements are a result of sophisticated planning by outfits like the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC). A slogan a day like IT+IT=IT, or Smart cities, Start-up India, Make in India and so on, are not going to work. We need a sustained strategy of promoting economic growth and qualitatively better governance, and a dose of modesty.
 
Last edited:
.
No thanks.
Beijing plans to turn Pak into its economic colony

China's longterm plans for Pakistan would do the East India Company proud. Proposals for the China Pakistan Economic Corridor revealed in Pakistani newspaper Dawn envisage thousands of acres of agricultural land being leased to Chinese enterprises to set up demonstration projects and a fibre-optic system that will facilitate the dissemination of Chinese culture.
 
.
No thanks.
Beijing plans to turn Pak into its economic colony

China's longterm plans for Pakistan would do the East India Company proud. Proposals for the China Pakistan Economic Corridor revealed in Pakistani newspaper Dawn envisage thousands of acres of agricultural land being leased to Chinese enterprises to set up demonstration projects and a fibre-optic system that will facilitate the dissemination of Chinese culture.

I'm curious about your avatar. Who's that man? And why is he covering his nose as if something stinks?
 
.
I'm curious about your avatar. Who's that man? And why is he covering his nose as if something stinks?
He was a former prime minister of India.
If you don't have color blindness you can understand he is not covering his nose. A photo taken probably during a salute.
 
.
He was a former prime minister of India.
If you don't have color blindness you can understand he is not covering his nose. A photo taken probably during a salute.

Well, it certainly appears to me that he's covering his nose.
 
.
Small role if you join BRI in future: Chinese media’s message to ‘nervous’ India
India has skipped China’s Belt and Road Forum following sovereignty concerns over the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). No Indian delegation was seen at the opening ceremony addressed by Chinese President Xi Jinping.

INDIA Updated: May 15, 2017 12:41 IST
default_author.png

  • India skipped the high-profile Belt and Road Forum (BRF) held in Beijing on Sunday and Monday over concerns about the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which passes through Pakistan-occupied-Kashmir (Azad Kashmir).

    The Global Times article was published even as President Xi Jinping inaugurated the BRF round-table summit with around 29 heads of states taking part in it on Monday morning at the Yanqi Lake International Convention Centre, some 70km from the centre of Beijing amid low-lying hills and a lake.

    At the round-table, Xi spoke about hastening the process connecting regions in the world through infrastructure projects.

    On Sunday, he pledged $124 billion to the plan, and called for the abandonment of old models based on rivalry and diplomatic power games.

    But New Delhi officially ruled out sending a delegation on Saturday.

    “No country can accept a project that ignores its core concerns on sovereignty and territorial integrity,” Gopal Baglay, ministry of external affairs spokesperson said, referring to the CPEC.

    “Connectivity initiatives must follow principles of financial responsibility to avoid projects that would create unsustainable debt burden for communities,” Baglay added, talking about the danger of debt for host countries, especially smaller economies that may struggle to pay back loans for infrastructure projects funded by China.
    “We are of firm belief that connectivity initiatives must be based on universally recognised international norms, good governance, rule of law, openness, transparency and equality,” Baglay said.

    The Global Times, a nationalistic tabloid, found Baglay’s mention of the debt burden worthy of some sarcasm.

    “It is strange that the onlooker is more anxious than the players. While India cares about its neighbors’ debt burden, the neighbors appear willing to take on more,” the article said.
    It then cited deals that China had inked with Pakistan and Nepal to dismiss India’s assertions.

    “Pakistan and China inked new deals worth nearly $500 million, covering airport, port and highway construction. As regards the potential debt burden, Pakistan’s repayments will peak at around $5 billion in 2022, but this will be offset by transit fees charged in the CPEC, Reuters reported on Saturday, citing the government’s chief economist,” the article added.

    “Last week, Nepal officially signed a deal with China to join the B&R, and the country is also reportedly in talks with China to build a cross-border rail link that may cost up to $8 billion,” it said.

    On India’s concerns over the CPEC, it said China has said projects passing through Azad Kashmir will not affect Beijing’s stand on Kashmir --- which on paper is that India and Pakistan should resolve the dispute through dialogue and negotiations.

    “China would never force any country to participate in the B&R if it was too skeptical and nervous to do so. It is regrettable but not a problem that India still maintains its strong opposition to the B&R, even though China has repeatedly said its position on the Kashmir dispute would not change because of the CPEC,” the article said.

    “China has formally invited India to join the B&R. If India doesn’t want to take a part on the stage, then it should just be a good member of the audience. The role is still available if India changes its mind, but it may only be a small role if it is left too late,” the article said.
India’s refusal to join B&R will not hamper cooperation among other countries
By Wang Jiamei Source:Global Times Published: 2017/5/14 22:23:39
12


While India recently issued an official statement saying it would not be part of the "One Belt and One Road" (B&R) initiative, it will not affect the trend toward cooperation in infrastructure development among its neighboring countries at all.

According to media reports, India was openly sceptical of China's Belt and Road Forum hours ahead of the opening of the event, mainly due to concerns over the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a key project of the B&R, and whether it might influence the disputed Kashmir region.

The B&R is a grand economic cooperation and development plan open to everyone, and is aimed at improving infrastructure in countries along the B&R route, thus benefiting the local people. China would never force any country to participate in the B&R if it was too skeptical and nervous to do so. It is regrettable but not a problem that India still maintains its strong opposition to the B&R, even though China has repeatedly said its position on the Kashmir dispute would not change because of the CPEC.

India also cited the potential debt burden as one of its other concerns, saying that, "Connectivity initiatives must follow the principles of financial responsibility to avoid projects that would create an unsustainable debt burden for communities."

It is strange that the onlooker is more anxious than the players. While India cares about its neighbors' debt burden, the neighbors appear willing to take on more.

On Saturday, Pakistan and China inked new deals worth nearly $500 million, covering airport, port and highway construction. As regards the potential debt burden, Pakistan's repayments will peak at around $5 billion in 2022, but this will be offset by transit fees charged in the CPEC, Reuters reported on Saturday, citing the government's chief economist. Last week, Nepal officially signed a deal with China to join the B&R, and the country is also reportedly in talks with China to build a cross-border rail link that may cost up to $8 billion.

As such, given the active responses from countries along the route, there is no way for India to impede its neighboring countries from cooperating with China in infrastructure development.

China has formally invited India to join the B&R. If India doesn't want to take a part on the stage, then it should just be a good member of the audience. The role is still available if India changes its mind, but it may only be a small role if it is left too late.

The author is a reporter with the Global Times. bizopinion@globaltimes.com.cn

http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1046896.shtml
 
Last edited:
.
India needs to look beyond rifts with China
Source:Global Times Published: 2017/5/16 0:28:40
5


The Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation concluded successfully yesterday with fruitful results. As so many large delegations participated, including from the US, Japan and South Korea, the international community has shown a very positive response to the infrastructure-building initiative. However, India sent no official representatives. The country's External Affairs Ministry spokesperson said Saturday that India cannot accept a project that violates its sovereignty and territorial integrity. India appears to be the only country that has expressed disapproval of the initiative in recent days.

New Delhi is primarily against the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a flagship project along the Belt and Road (B&R) which goes through Pakistani-controlled Kashmir. Both India and Pakistan claim sovereignty over Kashmir, which is under the control of both sides. China insists the Kashmir dispute is between India and Pakistan and it has no intention of intervening. The CPEC is a cooperation project in a purely economic sense with no aim to stir up political trouble.

Rising nationalism has made Indian public opinion extremely sensitive on China-related issues. Indians are keen to compare themselves with China on development and international status, but meanwhile strongly object to China developing friendly cooperation with Pakistan, for fear that Sino-Pakistani ties are targeting India.

Indian's objection to the B&R is partly a show for domestic politics, partly to pile pressure on China. However, the absence of New Delhi in the B&R has not affected the forum in Beijing, and it will exert even less effect on the progress the initiative will make in the world.

In recent years, old problems have remained in Sino-Indian relations while some new problems have surfaced. For instance, New Delhi hopes Beijing will support the UN Security Council blacklist on the leader of the Army of Mohammed, a Pakistan-based military group, and support India's bid to join the Nuclear Suppliers Group. Overall, these new problems are caused by India's requirements for China. However, China does not do as it wants.

India hopes that it can shape bilateral relations more actively, and expects China to give special attention to the interests of India. But this is not how countries interact.

If India sees itself as a big power, it should get accustomed to the many divergences with China, and try to manage these divergences with China. Big country diplomacy is mostly all-round. It is almost impossible that two big countries can reach agreements on all things. This can be proved by the many differences between China and the US. But China and the US have maintained smooth bilateral relations, from which New Delhi can learn.

Sino-Indian relations have not seen a serious downturn. The border of the two countries has been peaceful in these years, the most important force for stable bilateral relations. Both countries have prioritized economic and social development in their national strategies. Maintaining friendly ties conforms to the two countries' fundamental interests. The specific frictions between Beijing and New Delhi should not be regarded as a signal for intense geopolitical competition.

It should be pointed out that some people in India, with the ability to influence public opinion, have a shallow analysis of state interests, and an outdated understanding of geopolitics. Their stereotyped view of China continues to spread to the whole of Indian society, which may have destructive power. India and China should be vigilant about this.

http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1047098.shtml

India should join the Belt and Road initiative: experts
By Liu Xin Source:Global Times Published: 2017/5/15 15:29:36
2


India should rethink its position on the One Belt and One Road initiative (BRI), one Indian expert told the Global Times, emphasizing that China, Pakistan and India should address disputes and find innovative cooperative solutions after some Indian media outlets reported that the country chose not to attend the ongoing Belt and Road Forum (BRF) over territorial concerns.

Indian business news website livemint.com reported that India is boycotting the Belt and Road Forum due to worries over “sovereignty and territorial integrity.”

“The main reason behind India staying out of the first Belt and Road Forum is the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), part of which passes through the disputed territory of Kashmir,” Sudheendra Kulkarni, the chairman of the Observer Research Foundation Mumbai who attended the two-day Belt and Road Forum in Beijing, told the Global Times.

Kulkarni said that China, Pakistan and India should address this issue collectively and find an innovative and win-win solution to the issue which will be acceptable to all.

Kulkarni suggested that two major connectivity initiatives should be built, an India-China Economic Corridor and an India-Pakistan Economic Corridor, and these three corridors should be connected in a way that Kashmir becomes a bridge, rather than a barrier, between India and Pakistan.

Indian External Affairs Ministry spokesperson Gopal Baglay said in a statement on Saturday that China sent India a formal invitation to participate in the six separate forums organized as part of the BRF, and he said that “India is of firm belief that connectivity initiatives must be based on universally recognized international norms, good governance, rule of law, openness, transparency and equality.”

India will deprive itself of huge benefits if it stays out of the inter-continental, collaborative agenda mooted by China and endorsed by almost the entire world, Kulkarni said, noting that “The BRI is going to be the most powerful economic growth engine in world history.”

He also pointed that the BRI cannot ignore India as the latter's domestic growth and external links could make it an indispensable partner in the BRI.

Srikanth Kondapalli, chairman of the Center for Asian Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University, said during the Thematic Session on Think Tank Exchanges of the Belt and Road Forum on Sunday that China and India can cooperate on low-carbon industry and the construction of a smart city and that the BRI can also make contributions to education, public health and gender equality.

Kulkarni also said that “India and the BRI are made for each other” and "India and China need not be rivals, but can actually become allies for the good of South Asia and the world."

http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1046973.shtml

India should rethink its position on B&R initiative, find solutions: experts
By Liu Xin Source:Global Times Published: 2017/5/15 22:38:40
0


India should rethink its position on the Belt and Road initiative, and China, Pakistan and India should address disputes and find innovative cooperative solutions, said an Indian expert, after Indian media reported that the country chose not to attend the Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation over territorial concerns.

Indian business news website livemint.com reported Saturday that India is boycotting the Belt and Road Forum due to worries over "sovereignty and territorial integrity."

"The main reason behind India staying out of the forum is the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, part of which passes through the disputed territory of Kashmir," Sudheendra Kulkarni, the chairman of the Observer Research Foundation Mumbai who attended the forum in Beijing, told the Global Times.

Kulkarni said that China, Pakistan and India should address this issue collectively and find an innovative solution to the issue acceptable to all.

Kulkarni suggested that two major connectivity initiatives be built: an India-China Economic Corridor and an India-Pakistan Economic Corridor, and these corridors should be connected in a way that Kashmir becomes a bridge, rather than a barrier, between India and Pakistan.

Indian External Affairs Ministry spokesperson Gopal Baglay said in a statement on Sunday that China sent India a formal invitation to participate in the six separate forums organized as part of the Forum, and that "India is of firm belief that connectivity initiatives must be based on universally recognized international norms, good governance, rule of law, openness, transparency and equality."

India will deprive itself of huge benefits if it stays out of the inter-continental, collaborative agenda mooted by China and endorsed by almost the entire world, Kulkarni said, noting that "the initiative is going to be the most powerful economic growth engine in world history."

He also pointed that the Belt and Road initiative cannot ignore India, as the latter's domestic growth and external links could make it an indispensable partner in the initiative.

Srikanth Kondapalli, chairman of the Center for East Asian Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University, said in a session on think tank exchanges at the forum that China and India can cooperate in the low-carbon industry and the construction of a smart city, and that the initiative can also contribute to education, public health and gender equality.

http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1047057.shtml
 
.
Well China did give an invitation to India to join the BRI, so the burden is off our shoulders, India rejected it on their own. Imagine how petty it would have been if China had invited every major country in the world but refused to give an invitation to India?

Ironically the BRI is financed by the AIIB, of which India is the second largest shareholder behind China. So they are financing it, they are just not benefiting from it.
 
.
An ironic statement, given your flags.

*Mod Edit: Avoid Personal Attacks*

https://swarajyamag.com/economy/one-belt-one-road-how-india-can-more-than-match-chinas-grand-design

China strode big and tall in its “coming out” ceremony, its biggest and grandest demonstration of emerging big power status, at the Belt and Road Forum in Beijing on Sunday. The event and the importance the country attaches to it were not lost on most countries, especially India, which chose to not participate and did not send a delegation.

The monumental strategic project that China has referred to under various names over the years – “One Belt One Road” (OBOR), “Belt Road Initiative”, etc - is basically envisaged as a modern-day equivalent of the Silk Road that traversed Eurasia in mediaeval times. In its modern avatar, China has re-envisioned it as an economic corridor connecting landmass and sea stretching from the Pacific Ocean to the Mediterranean Sea on the one hand and from South China Sea to the Indian Ocean on the other.

The initiative is breathtaking in its enormity of scale, size of intended investment, and the number of regions and countries it purports to affect positively. The initial outlines of the OBOR project, though sparse, contemplate six routes or economic corridors encompassing rail, road, ports, power, and other infrastructure. Understandably, a host of mostly small nations have signed on, notably Pakistan. The latter sees huge benefits that are both economic and defence-strategic in its relations with India.

India, however, was quite alone in deciding to stay out despite several, increasingly strident, invites by China – that alternated between barely-concealed threats of being left out and without a voice in the future to a desire to be seen as a genuine effort by it at forging an equitable international alliance for global development. Sixty-five countries, however, participated with at least 20 of those sending heads of state to attend. The major economies of the US, Japan, and the EU sent in delegations.

The OBOR Initiative

China’s OBOR initiative, first announced in September 2013 during President Xi Jinping’s visit to Kazakhstan, is estimated to cost anywhere from $700 billion and $1 trillion. Of this amount, about $50 billion are to be spent on the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) that is the primary instigation for India’s opposition and refusal to participate in OBOR. The corridor passes through Gilgit-Baltistan region in Azad Kashmir (Azad Kashmir), between China’s Kashgar in Xinjiang province and Rajkot in Pakistan’s Punjab.

CPEC will comprise road and rail networks, oil and gas pipelines, power generation infrastructure, complementary special economic zones along the network, and ending at a major commercial and military port complex in Gwadar in the unstable Baluchistan province in south-western Pakistan bordering Iran.

The sheer size of CPEC and its supposed ability to supercharge economic activity, not to speak of bringing a sharp edge to its defence capability, has Pakistan salivating at the prospect. It cannot individually have conceptualised, let alone execute, a huge and complex project of this size but, with China, it now has what it believes a fighting chance to bring home investments that elevate its nineteenth century economy to a modern one at one stroke. It believes it can then have the steel frame to stand up to India. Who will ultimately pay for this is a question that Pakistanis have to ask themselves but, clearly, the country is neither getting these for free nor will it appropriate all the gains itself. That, equally clearly, is also China’s strategic reasons for pushing the ambitious endeavour forward.

Aside from Pakistan, OBOR is intensification and deepening of a slew of infrastructure investments, particularly relating to energy, that China has made since the 2000s. These include the Aktau-Alashankou oil pipeline that traverses the length of Kazakhstan, natural gas pipeline from western Turkmenistan through Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan to Xinjiang in China, and other regional gas export distribution lines such as Beineu-Bozoi-Shymkent.

The ambitious OBOR now builds upon these earlier investments and include the China-Central Asia pipeline, the Eurasian rail corridor originating in China’s port city Lianyungang and traversing through Kazakhstan, Russia, Poland, to terminate in western Europe; the West Asia corridor that is a rail spur originating in Astana, Kazakhstan, and coursing through Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan to terminate in Iran; a trans-Kazakhstan rail from the Caspian Sea port of Aktau to Khorgos; a high speed rail link from Kashgar/Kashi in Xinjiang province to Osh in Uzbekistan; China-Mongolia-Russia corridor; and a high speed rail line from Moscow to Kazan within Russia.

However, not all of China’s external investments have succeeded and evidence of this comes from the troublesome “distributional conflicts” in many countries. In Burma, the $3.6 billion Myitsone dam was suspended owing to politics, anti-Chinese sentiments, and ongoing conflict between Kachin rebels and the government. Sinophobia is now increasingly in evidence in central Asia and Africa where investments by Chinese state owned enterprises have often sidelined local employment, resulted in ecological degradation, political payoffs, and uni-directional rewards going to China.

How Can India Respond?

The fact is India cannot directly compete with China. Not yet. Owing to blunders of omission committed in the past, its economy is about one-fifth the size of China’s, infrastructure that does not begin to compare with it, and a heft in the global economy that is miniscule by comparison. This country has a long way to go before it reaches a state of reasonable parity that was on display until the 1970s.

However, India still retains considerable advantages that could be harnessed to reshape economic and political relationships to its advantage. China may bring extraordinary weight and credence, especially in the size of its indicative investments, but India is not without its own core share of strengths that emphasise a multi-cultural and multi-ethnic ethos and a better capability for more efficient deployment of far limited resources, especially by the private sector.

China’s foreign investments have been a mixed bag that surfaces its inability to match bombast with recipient expectations. India’s response could be sequential and calibrated that leverages both its strengths and China’s weaknesses.

The key lies in recognising its advantages in the following:

  • Historical cultural ties with neighbouring countries in South and South East Asia. This is clearly not lost on Prime Minister Narendra Modi in his attendance of Sri Lanka’s International Vesak Day celebrations. India’s cultural impact across the region is visible and uncontested but one that could, and should, be closely coupled with people links that are both economic and cultural.
  • Recognise that, as a democracy, it has a much more sophisticated feel for diversity, demands, and expectations. That’s what democracy is all about, of taking everyone along, that China with its monopoly on opinion can never begin to appreciate. In foreign lands, this appreciation is worth its weight in gold.
  • Contiguous landmass, from Sri Lanka to the ASEAN member-nations that could be integrated with the Indian economy. Sri Lanka is an island, but we need to remove the image of a sliver of water separating the two countries and begin the job of tighter integration to mainland India. Job #1 in this effort is a huge push to infrastructure, particularly modern expressways and rail that connects countries from Sri Lanka to Singapore.
  • Within India, the much-debated goods and services tax (GST) is almost here and would herald the beginning of an “Indian Common Market” (ICM). As the country is today also the fastest growing large economy in the world, it requires creative thinking and effort to pass on the benefit of the ICM to contiguous neighbours without delay, minus Pakistan which clearly is uninterested at the prospect. This cannot happen without giving up selfish notions of enhancing only the domestic economy; rather, to willingly share the fruits of its large economy so that neighbours prosper as well. This would garner a harvest of goodwill.
How Can This Be Achieved?

As a first step, India could boldly outline an infrastructure programme of its own. While not comparable to OBOR, greater gains could be had with far limited resources that are narrowly targeted. But done differently from the Chinese: India should lay out its cards, take a consultative approach, and articulate a transparent, pragmatic vision. This way, both the present and future win-wins are ensured and all parties co-opted.

At the same time, India should refrain from the kind of huge, complex, and multi-dimensional investments that characterize OBOR. Instead, it should opt for focused activity. India already has developed very good and extensive national expressways; all it needs now is to connect these to similar infrastructure cutting across neighbouring countries and integrate with ASEAN (Association of South East Asian Nations). The network effects of these are sufficient for the investments to pay off in the long run.

For instance, a road-cum-rail connectivity project could be designed with Sri Lankan participation that connects Tamil Nadu with Colombo and beyond. This could be contemplated as a modern infrastructure where Sri Lanka benefits hugely. The same should be pursued with Bangladesh and other neighbours and could be extended to ASEAN.

All of the above hinge on the idea of a win-win that India should design into its neighbourhood foreign policy and strategy. China may well find its OBOR difficult to execute and keep its partners engaged.

One reason, not articulated by any of the countries today but would become a bone of contention in the future, is that the projects are being designed with a loan component from Chinese financial institutions to the recipient nations. This burden would likely become onerous as time passes given the size of these loans and China may seek to advantage itself with the countries finding themselves at the deep end. A second reason is that OBOR will expectedly see China benefitting more than the partner-countries: in the form of domestic companies that are given contracts to develop the infrastructure, employment of Chinese labour during development, and commerce that seeks to find markets for China’s manufacturing capacity when the projects are completed. Finally, a third reason that could be argued against OBOR is that it either has security and political insecurity to navigate in certain regions (eg: Pakistan) or partner-countries who have unresolved territorial disputes with the benefactor (eg: Philippines).

India does not have these issues, having resolved the one pending territorial issue with Bangladesh. If it approaches the issues with clarity and a spirit of generosity whereby it contributes the bulk of the financial resources involved at no cost to the benefiting country as with the South Asia satellite and simultaneous opening of the ICM to these nations to both products and services, we may yet achieve a virtuous alignment of the neighbourhood that China would find hard to beat.

OBOR is a strategic threat and India’s choice of staying out means we are more likely to see disadvantages of being surrounded by Chinese investment that is commercial with a dual defence possibility. It is also huge that would likely tell upon China’s vaunted expertise to scale with issues it never had to contemplate within its own boundaries. Added to all these are contemporaneous issues that would weigh China down: a demographic playout of its one-child policy that is already evident in the form of increasing labour costs; declining growth and overcapacity in its manufacturing owing to a slowdown of the world economy and increasing protectionism in the advanced economies; and a potential ticking time bomb in the size of its domestic debt burden to finance its domestic infrastructure buildup that would now begin to include external OBOR investments. These investments represent loans given by Chinese banks to various participating nation-states many of whom may find themselves unable to service the debt, thereby increasing stressed assets on the Chinese balance sheets.

These very weaknesses in China run counter to the OBOR narrative that is at once eye-popping in its imagination and scale.

A market-driven, conservative capital-spending, and more cautious India has distinct advantages that China does not: efficient capital use that could be harnessed in this strategic foreign-cum-economic policy effort to build our own neighbourhood network that binds the Indian Common Market more tightly with the rest of South Asia in the form of a South Asian Union and with ASEAN. Such a “tight binding” would additionally have historical cultural and religious ties at its foundation.
 
Last edited by a moderator:
.
Well China did give an invitation to India to join the BRI, so the burden is off our shoulders, India rejected it on their own. Imagine how petty it would have been if China had invited every major country in the world but refused to give an invitation to India?

Ironically the BRI is financed by the AIIB, of which India is the second largest shareholder behind China. So they are financing it, they are just not benefiting from it.

Frankly speaking, even if India puts aside her reservations regarding CPEC, there is nothing that benefits India.

OBOR road to India is just a big zero. India is already trading with all these countries without any OBOR.

upload_2017-5-15_20-52-5.png
 
.
Well China did give an invitation to India to join the BRI, so the burden is off our shoulders, India rejected it on their own. Imagine how petty it would have been if China had invited every major country in the world but refused to give an invitation to India?

Ironically the BRI is financed by the AIIB, of which India is the second largest shareholder behind China. So they are financing it, they are just not benefiting from it.

Indeed India will not able to come complaining that China exclude them from OBOR in the future, China do not need India anyway. After this conference, China will start to execute the OBOR plan with interested nations, the government will have no time to play around with India.

China has already pre-established the OBOR experimentation with Central Asian nation such as Kazakhstan to see the viability of this project, it seems that the result is very promising, the border trade is booming. All these land lock countries will be happy to find a convenient way to deliver their merchandise or to receive its. All will be the winners.


 
Last edited:
.
Ironically the BRI is financed by the AIIB, of which India is the second largest shareholder behind China. So they are financing it, they are just not benefiting from it.
And AIIB will also finance Indian projects, of which China is the largest shareholder. So we will use Chinese money to build ourselves without expanding Chinese influence the way it would have if we were with OBOR.

So its a win-win. We use your money, but not under OBOR.
 
.
Sure but India need to submit the project plan to AIIB committee, do you have a viable plan for your infrastructure projects? and don't forget India will have to compete with China to borrow the limited financial resource available from AIIB...we shall see who will get the most :lol:
That's a pretty stupid question to ask considering that our infrastructure projects are financed in hundreds of billions of dollars from the Government, Japan, other international financial agencies.

Keep watching. We will be taking your money for our growth without adding to your influence. :lol:
 
.
That's a pretty stupid question to ask considering that our infrastructure projects are financed in hundreds of billions of dollars from the Government, Japan, other international financial agencies.

Keep watching. We will be taking your money for our growth without adding to your influence. :lol:

I'm looking forward to see a fair competition:azn:
 
.
CPEC or no CPEC. Pakistan will never be able to challenge India militarily. A giant and pygmy don't fight on the same level.

Not quite sure of your statement, India might be big but you have greater burden than Pakistan too and Pakistan is at the strategic cross road of China, Central Asia and gate way to middle east, when CPEC is complete, China will make sure that this corridor is successful to set an example of OBOR, with Russia and Central interest to access Arabian sea, you will witness the booming of Pakistan, and when Pakistan become wealthy, it will be able to afford an arm race with India, Russia and China will gladly to support Pakistan to protect the trade route...so it's too premature to said that Pakistan will never able to challenge India military. India government is very apprehensive of domino effect of CPEC and Chinese concept of long snake military formation (长蛇阵) around Northern part of India

do you see the corridor look like a snake shape?:azn:

cpec.jpg
 
.
Back
Top Bottom