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The Indian Express


The story of Indian democracy written in blood and betrayal

BJP thinks it is going to Indianise Kashmir. Instead, we will see, potentially, the Kashmirisation of India.


Opinion

Pratap Bhanu Mehta |Updated: August 6, 2019 7:35:15 am

amit-shah-1200-1.jpg
Amit Shah at parliament house. (Express photo Anil Sharma)

There are times in the history of a republic when it reduces itself to jackboot. Nothing more and nothing less. We are witnessing that moment in Kashmir. But this moment is also a dry run for the political desecration that may follow in the rest of India.

The manner in which the BJP government has changed the status of Jammu and Kashmir by rendering Article 370 ineffective and bifurcating the state is revealing its true character. This is a state for whom the only currency that matters is raw power. This is a state that recognises no constraints of law, liberty and morality. This is a state that will make a mockery of democracy and deliberation. This is a state whose psychological principle is fear. This is a state that will make ordinary citizens cannon fodder for its warped nationalist pretensions.

The narrative supporting a radical move on Kashmir is familiar. Article 35(a) was a discriminatory provision and had to go. Article 370 was not a mechanism for integration but a legal tool for separatism. The Indian state, despite the horrendous violence it has used in the past, has never had the guts to take a strong stand on Kashmir. The radicalisation within Kashmir warrants a crackdown. The treatment meted to Kashmiri Pandits has never been recompensed either through justice or retribution. The international climate is propitious. We can do what China is doing: Remake whole cultures, societies. We can take advantage of the fact that human rights is not even a hypocrisy left in the international system. We can show Pakistan and Taliban their place. Let us do away with our old pusillanimity. Now is the time to seize the moment. Settle this once and for all, if necessary with brute force.


There are kernels of truth to many of these arguments. The status quo was a double whammy: It did nothing to address the well-being of Kashmiris who have now endured two generations of what was effectively military occupation. And it increased the gulf between Kashmir and the rest of the nation. So some movement was inevitable. But the kernel of truth is being deployed with an armoury of evil. The solution being proposed is an annihilation of decency. The fact that these measures had to be done under stealth, with a tight security noose and informational blackout is a measure of the evil of the step taken. This is not the dawn of a new constitutional settlement, designed to elicit free allegiance. It is repression, plain and simple, reminiscent of the Reichstag or Chinese constitutional ideology that sees federalism as an obstacle to a strong state and homogenous culture.


Think of the proposal’s broader ramifications. India has betrayed its own constitutional promises. India has many asymmetric federalism arrangements outside of Kashmir. This act potentially sets the precedent for invalidating all of them. How can we justify offering Nagaland asymmetric federalism but deny it to Kashmir? Its implication is that the government can unilaterally declare any existing state to be a Union Territory. This is a constitutional first. We are simply a union of Union Territories that happen to be a state at the discretion of the Centre.

Let us also not put too fine a point on this. Even if Article 370 were to be scrapped, the proposal to alter Jammu and Kashmir’s status to Union Territory, even if temporarily, is designed to humiliate an already subjugated population. How dare a Muslim dominated state exist in India? Kashmir can now not even be trusted to be a state. The optics of this measure is not integration, it is humiliation, of a piece with subtle and unsubtle reminders to minorities of their place in India.

Let’s take the argument that this pain is worth the price, if it actually solves the problem. But will it? There will be a sullen peace, militarily secured, that we will mistake for victory. The very army, behind whom every patriot now hides, will now potentially be put in even more harm’s way: To be used more and more as the sole basis for keeping India together. And even if we concede to the tragic necessity of force, that force can work only in the context of a larger political and institutional framework that inspires free allegiance, not fear.

But even if Kashmir resigns to its fate, pummelled by military might, the prospect of radicalisation in the rest of the country cannot be ruled out. There are already incipient signs of that. The theatre of political violence will shift. In the context of the communally sensitive arc from UP to Bengal and in Kerala, India will seem more fragile.

For, fundamentally, what this change signals is that Indian democracy is failing. It is descending into majoritarianism, the brute power of the vote; it will no longer have the safety valves that allowed inclusion. The feckless abdication of the Opposition will only deepen the sense of alienation. There are no political avenues for protest left. Most of the so-called federal parties turned out to be more cowardly than anyone anticipated; the Congress can never stand for any convictions. Not a single one of us can take any constitutional protections for granted. Parliament is a notice board, not a debating forum.

Let us see what the Supreme Court does, but if its recent track record is anything to go by, it will be more executive minded than the executive. Kashmir is not just about Kashmir: In the context of the UAPA, NRC, communalisation, Ayodhya, it is one more node in a pattern hurtling the Indian state towards a denouement where all of us feel unsafe. Not just Kashmiris, not just minorities, but anyone standing up for constitutional liberty.

Link:https://indianexpress.com/article/o...i-bjp-5880797/lite/?__twitter_impression=true
 
.
India has many asymmetric federalism arrangements outside of Kashmir. This act potentially sets the precedent for invalidating all of them. How can we justify offering Nagaland asymmetric federalism but deny it to Kashmir? Its implication is that the government can unilaterally declare any existing state to be a Union Territory. This is a constitutional first.
Despite what the random Indian posters here would like us to believe, an interesting point among many stated in the above piece @The Eagle @Dubious @Arsalan @Mangus Ortus Novem @PakSword
 
. . . . . .
The Indian Express


The story of Indian democracy written in blood and betrayal

BJP thinks it is going to Indianise Kashmir. Instead, we will see, potentially, the Kashmirisation of India.


Opinion

Pratap Bhanu Mehta |Updated: August 6, 2019 7:35:15 am

amit-shah-1200-1.jpg
Amit Shah at parliament house. (Express photo Anil Sharma)

There are times in the history of a republic when it reduces itself to jackboot. Nothing more and nothing less. We are witnessing that moment in Kashmir. But this moment is also a dry run for the political desecration that may follow in the rest of India.

The manner in which the BJP government has changed the status of Jammu and Kashmir by rendering Article 370 ineffective and bifurcating the state is revealing its true character. This is a state for whom the only currency that matters is raw power. This is a state that recognises no constraints of law, liberty and morality. This is a state that will make a mockery of democracy and deliberation. This is a state whose psychological principle is fear. This is a state that will make ordinary citizens cannon fodder for its warped nationalist pretensions.

The narrative supporting a radical move on Kashmir is familiar. Article 35(a) was a discriminatory provision and had to go. Article 370 was not a mechanism for integration but a legal tool for separatism. The Indian state, despite the horrendous violence it has used in the past, has never had the guts to take a strong stand on Kashmir. The radicalisation within Kashmir warrants a crackdown. The treatment meted to Kashmiri Pandits has never been recompensed either through justice or retribution. The international climate is propitious. We can do what China is doing: Remake whole cultures, societies. We can take advantage of the fact that human rights is not even a hypocrisy left in the international system. We can show Pakistan and Taliban their place. Let us do away with our old pusillanimity. Now is the time to seize the moment. Settle this once and for all, if necessary with brute force.


There are kernels of truth to many of these arguments. The status quo was a double whammy: It did nothing to address the well-being of Kashmiris who have now endured two generations of what was effectively military occupation. And it increased the gulf between Kashmir and the rest of the nation. So some movement was inevitable. But the kernel of truth is being deployed with an armoury of evil. The solution being proposed is an annihilation of decency. The fact that these measures had to be done under stealth, with a tight security noose and informational blackout is a measure of the evil of the step taken. This is not the dawn of a new constitutional settlement, designed to elicit free allegiance. It is repression, plain and simple, reminiscent of the Reichstag or Chinese constitutional ideology that sees federalism as an obstacle to a strong state and homogenous culture.


Think of the proposal’s broader ramifications. India has betrayed its own constitutional promises. India has many asymmetric federalism arrangements outside of Kashmir. This act potentially sets the precedent for invalidating all of them. How can we justify offering Nagaland asymmetric federalism but deny it to Kashmir? Its implication is that the government can unilaterally declare any existing state to be a Union Territory. This is a constitutional first. We are simply a union of Union Territories that happen to be a state at the discretion of the Centre.

Let us also not put too fine a point on this. Even if Article 370 were to be scrapped, the proposal to alter Jammu and Kashmir’s status to Union Territory, even if temporarily, is designed to humiliate an already subjugated population. How dare a Muslim dominated state exist in India? Kashmir can now not even be trusted to be a state. The optics of this measure is not integration, it is humiliation, of a piece with subtle and unsubtle reminders to minorities of their place in India.

Let’s take the argument that this pain is worth the price, if it actually solves the problem. But will it? There will be a sullen peace, militarily secured, that we will mistake for victory. The very army, behind whom every patriot now hides, will now potentially be put in even more harm’s way: To be used more and more as the sole basis for keeping India together. And even if we concede to the tragic necessity of force, that force can work only in the context of a larger political and institutional framework that inspires free allegiance, not fear.

But even if Kashmir resigns to its fate, pummelled by military might, the prospect of radicalisation in the rest of the country cannot be ruled out. There are already incipient signs of that. The theatre of political violence will shift. In the context of the communally sensitive arc from UP to Bengal and in Kerala, India will seem more fragile.

For, fundamentally, what this change signals is that Indian democracy is failing. It is descending into majoritarianism, the brute power of the vote; it will no longer have the safety valves that allowed inclusion. The feckless abdication of the Opposition will only deepen the sense of alienation. There are no political avenues for protest left. Most of the so-called federal parties turned out to be more cowardly than anyone anticipated; the Congress can never stand for any convictions. Not a single one of us can take any constitutional protections for granted. Parliament is a notice board, not a debating forum.

Let us see what the Supreme Court does, but if its recent track record is anything to go by, it will be more executive minded than the executive. Kashmir is not just about Kashmir: In the context of the UAPA, NRC, communalisation, Ayodhya, it is one more node in a pattern hurtling the Indian state towards a denouement where all of us feel unsafe. Not just Kashmiris, not just minorities, but anyone standing up for constitutional liberty.

Link:https://indianexpress.com/article/o...i-bjp-5880797/lite/?__twitter_impression=true
And the signs of implosion are already spreading, its a contradiction, exactly like the excuse of wanting prosperity for Kashmiris by Hindutwa Extremist RSS terrorists @Mangus Ortus Novem @PakSword @waz @Dubious @The Accountant @Reddington @RIWWIR



Deccan Chronicle

Speculation over UT status for Hyderabad

Aug 19, 2019, 12:54 am IST

Nation, Current Affairs

The TRS has prevented the BJP from celebrating Liberation Day since the formation of the separate state.

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Amit Shah

Hyderabad: With the Hyderabad Liberation Day on September 17 just a month away, there is a buzz of political speculation that the BJP government might be considering to carve out Hyderabad as a Union Territory to corner the TRS and the MIM.

Hyderabad-as-Union Territory was a demand made by all parties except the MIM during the statehood struggle. That never came to pass, and Hyderabad was made the joint capital of AP and TS.

The idea being propagated by BJP circles is that direct administration of Hyderabad by the Centre will help contain the MIM, a staunch rival of the BJP. Party leaders have alrea-dy ramped up the demand to take action against MIM president Asaduddin Owaisi and his brother Akbaruddin Owaisi.

Leaders from major political parties said that they are prepared for a showdown with the NDA government by launching a major public agitation if such a move on changing the status of Hyderabad were to come through.

The BJP state leadership has been claiming that it will celebrate Liberation Day officially and have home minister and BJP chief Amit Shah to hoist the National Flag in Hyderabad. The TRS has prevented the BJP from celebrating Liberation Day since the formation of the separate state.

Leaders of the Congress, the TRS and the MIM believe it is “not within the realm of possibility” that Hyderabad can be made a Union Territory. But they also admit that they cannot rule out the possibility after the BJP enforcing the revocation of Article 370 in J&K and its bifurcation and downgrade from statehood to UT.

The TRS is optimistic and believes that any such attempt by the BJP will only strengthen the ruling pink party. TRS leaders say that the BJP State leadership thinks it will get some political mileage by floating such speculation aimed at cornering and embarrassing the ruling party and government led by K. Chandrasekhar Rao.

Mr B. Vinod Kumar, politburo member of the TRS, said, “I don’t think the BJP will dare to attempt to make Hyderabad into a Union Territory, which will only strengthen the TRS and our president K. Chandrasekhar Rao.”

He said that if there is any such attempt from the BJP, the people of the state will come out onto the roads in protest.

Congress leaders said there is no point even considering such a move, but post the abrogation of Article 370 they concede that there is a feeling that the BJP might do anything for political gains, which is why such fake news and rumours get traction, especially on social media.

Telangana PCC chief N. Uttam Kumar Reddy said, “making Hydera-bad a Union Territory is not possible and it is a mere rumour. I cannot comment on hypothetical questions.”

MIM general secretary Ahmad Pasha Quadri said his party did not take cognisance of speculation of BJP making Hyderabad a Union Territory, reiterating that the MIM has opposed the idea since the beginning.

A senior leader of the MIM said that the party will launch an agitation if any such attempt is made. He said the people of the state will agitate and without Hyderabad, there was no meaning in getting a separate state of Telangana.

The BJP has been targeting the TRS right from the time the new state was formed on the issue of celebrating the Hyderabad Liberation Day, accusing it of not allowing the celebration because of pressure from its ally, the MIM.

It works for BJP that the talk of UT remains in salience in the lead-up to a possible confrontation with the TRS on the issue of Liberation Day. When asked if BJP was seriously considering the idea of making Hyderabad a UT to get at the TRS, a senior leader of the saffron party, instead of refuting it, said, “I cannot say at this point of time.”
 
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The New York Times

India Plans Big Detention Camps for Migrants. Muslims Are Afraid.



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A government official in Kharupetia, in the Indian state of Assam, collected documents from people hoping to be included on an official list of Indian citizens. The citizenship of millions is at risk.CreditCreditSaumya Khandelwal for The New York Times


By Jeffrey Gettleman and Hari Kumar

  • Aug. 17, 2019
NEW DELHI — More than four million people in India, mostly Muslims, are at risk of being declared foreign migrants as the government pushes a hard-line Hindu nationalist agenda that has challenged the country’s pluralist traditions and aims to redefine what it means to be Indian.

The hunt for migrants is unfolding in Assam, a poor, hilly state near the borders with Myanmar and Bangladesh. Many of the people whose citizenship is now being questioned were born in India and have enjoyed all the rights of citizens, such as voting in elections.

State authorities are rapidly expanding foreigner tribunals and planning to build huge new detention camps. Hundreds of people have been arrested on suspicion of being a foreign migrant — including a Muslim veteran of the Indian Army. Local activists and lawyers say the pain of being left off a preliminary list of citizens and the prospect of being thrown into jail have driven dozens to suicide.

But the governing party of Prime Minister Narendra Modi is not backing down.

Instead, it is vowing to bring this campaign to force people to prove they are citizens to other parts of India, part of a far-reaching Hindu nationalist program fueled by Mr. Modi’s sweeping re-election victory in May and his stratospheric popularity.

Members of India’s Muslim minority are growing more fearful by the day. Assam’s anxiously watched documentation of citizenship — a drive that began years ago and is scheduled to wrap up on Aug. 31 — coincides with another setback for Muslims, this one transpiring more than a thousand miles away.

Less than two weeks ago, Mr. Modi unilaterally wiped out the statehood of India’s only Muslim-majority state, Jammu and Kashmir, removing its special autonomy and turning it into a federal territory without any consultation with local leaders — many of whom have since been arrested.

Among Mr. Modi’s critics, events in Assam and Kashmir are Exhibits A and B in their conviction that the prime minister is using the early months of his second term to push the most forceful and divisive Hindu nationalist agenda ever attempted in India and to fundamentally reconfigure the concept of Indian identity to be synonymous with being Hindu. Many Indians, on both sides of the political divide, see Assam and Kashmir as harbingers of the direction Mr. Modi will take this nation of 1.3 billion people in the coming years.



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A protest this month in Kashmir over the Indian government’s unilateral lifting of the region’s autonomy.CreditAtul Loke for The New York Times
The stated purpose of the citizenship dragnet in Assam is to find undocumented immigrants from Bangladesh — a predominantly Muslim country to its south. Amit Shah, India’s powerful home minister, has repeatedly referred to those immigrants as “termites.’’

All of the 33 million residents of Assam have had to prove, with documentary evidence, that they or their ancestors were Indian citizens before early 1971, when Bangladesh was established after breaking away from Pakistan. That is not easy. Many families are racing to get their hands on a decades-old property deed or fraying birth certificate with an ancestor’s name on it.

Beyond this, Mr. Modi’s government has tried to pass a bill in Parliament that carves out exemptions for Hindus, Buddhists, Christians and people from other religions — but leaves out Muslims.

Mr. Modi’s critics say he is playing a dangerous game and pulling apart the diverse, delicate social fabric that has existed in India for centuries.

The prime minister’s political roots lie in a Hindu nationalist movement that emphasizes the religion’s supremacy. This worldview has a long history of sowing division between the country’s Hindu majority and Muslim minority, at times exploding in violence.

Assam has been hit by its own troubles and ethnic bloodshed. But the violence being reported now is self-inflicted.

Noor Begum, who lived in a small hamlet in a flood-soaked district, spiraled into depression after finding out that she and her mother had been excluded from the citizenship lists. Her father and seven siblings had made it.

Video


3:00
Inside the Crackdown in Kashmir
In Kashmir, Indian security forces are stopping people from moving freely and a communications blackout has cut residents off from the outside world.CreditCreditAtul Loke for The New York Times


It didn’t make any sense to the family: Why, if they all lived together and were born in the same place, would some be considered Indian while others illegal foreigners?

“Of course she was Indian,” said her father, Abdul Kalam, a retired laborer. “She used to sing Indian national songs at school. She felt very Indian.”

On a bright morning in June, Noor hanged herself from a rafter. She was 14.

Many Muslims in Kashmir are despondent as well. After Mr. Modi’s government erased Kashmir’s autonomy, thousands of outraged Kashmiris took to the streets, only to be locked down by a heavy deployment of security forces and a smothering communications blackout.

Kashmir has long been a flash point. Both India and Pakistan control different parts of it and several times, the tensions have driven the two nuclear armed rivals to war or dangerously close to it.

Though the Indian government has eased some of the communication restrictions in the past few days, hundreds of Kashmiri intellectuals are still under arrest and Pakistan is seething.

The tension with Pakistan tends to lift Mr. Modi’s political fortunes. His forceful stand against India’s No. 1 enemy just adds to his image as an unswerving patriot and one of the most decisive and powerful prime ministers India has produced in decades.

Many in India’s Hindu majority don’t object to Mr. Modi’s Hindu nationalist policies or even seem to think too much about them. They praise what they see as the strides he has made in fighting poverty and projecting a more muscular image of India on the world stage.



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A protest on the outskirts of Srinagar in Kashmir turned violent after local police fired tear gas at protesters.CreditAtul Loke for The New York Times

But critics say his Hindu nationalist beliefs are central to who he is and intentionally divisive, engineered to win votes from the Hindu majority. India is about 80 percent Hindu and 14 percent Muslim. (Christians, Sikhs, Jains and Buddhists make up most of the rest of the population.)

A small but vocal minority of left-leaning intellectuals, Muslim leaders and opposition politicians has tried to turn public opinion against Mr. Modi’s policies without much success.

What is happening in Assam and Kashmir “is an assault on the very imagination of India, of the freedom struggle, of the Constitution, of the idea of a country in which everyone belongs equally,” said Harsh Mander, a former civil servant turned human rights activist.

“Muslims are the enemy,” he said. “It’s a war on the Indian Constitution.”

Ashutosh Varshney, the head of Brown University’s South Asia program, said that India “in all probability and unless checked is headed toward a Hindu nationalist, majoritarian state.”


With the political opposition in total disarray and all government agencies — especially the bureaucracy and the security apparatus — firmly in Mr. Modi’s hands, Mr. Varshney said the only hope for India’s secular democracy is in the courts.

But, he cautioned, “The judiciary might well surrender.”

Even a streak of alarming headlines in recent weeks, including big job losses in the auto sector, deadly flooding across the country and a new outbreak of violence by Hindu mobs against Muslims, hasn’t dented Mr. Modi’s popularity.

Outsiders may wonder how any political movement in India could question Muslims’ contribution to society. India is a thoroughly multicultural place, and Muslims have contributed for centuries, even ruling the country at times. Muslim emperors built some of India’s brightest cultural treasures, including the Taj Mahal.



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Empty streets in Srinagar.CreditAtul Loke for The New York Times

But since Mr. Modi took office in 2014, government bodies have rewritten history books, lopping out sections on Muslim rulers, and changed official place names to Hindu from Muslim. Hindu mobs have lynched dozens of Muslims; participants are rarely punished.

Mr. Modi and allies in his Bharatiya Janata Party, known as the B.J.P., have denied any anti-Muslim bias and rejected criticism that the way they have handled the mass citizenship check in Assam has been harsh or discriminatory. State level officials in Assam said this was purely an administrative exercise to ferret out people who have no legal right to stay in India.

Rupam Goswami, a spokesman for the state B.J.P. party, said the registry “is only a process of documentation.”

Like much of India, Assam has reflected a tapestry of different ethnic groups and religions for as long as anyone can remember. Its beautiful tea estates have attracted flocks of migrant workers.

But many indigenous Assamese, who are mostly Hindu, have resented immigrants from Bangladesh, saying that the ethnic Bengalis were coming into their state and taking away their jobs and their land. In 1983, this locals-versus-outsider enmity blew up.

Assamese villagers slaughtered more than 1,000 ethnic Bengalis, many of them Muslim — scholars say that most ethnic Bengalis in Assam are Muslim. In 2012, another smaller wave of violence erupted.

The next year, India’s Supreme Court set in motion a process for a large-scale registration of citizens to be updated in Assam. This would determine who was an Indian and who was not. The deadline for residents to provide documentary proof that they or their ancestors have a legacy as Indian citizens, going back to March 1971 or earlier, has been extended several times.



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Beros Moni Das holds a photograph of her son Bhaben Das, who she said killed himself at age 50 after he was left off a registry of confirmed Indian citizens.CreditSaumya Khandelwal for The New York Times

Though this issue predates Mr. Modi’s taking India’s reins in 2014, the B.J.P. has aggressively backed the process, with Mr. Shah vowing to clear out all the “termites.’’

When a preliminary Assam citizenship list was published in 2018, leaving off four million people, scholars said the majority were Muslim but large numbers of Bengali-speaking Hindus were also excluded.

The B.J.P. then had to regroup. Its response was to push a new citizenship bill that said migrants from neighboring countries who were Hindus, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, Parsees or Jains would be eligible for Indian citizenship. One of South Asia’s biggest religious groups was conspicuously left off: Muslims.

The government said it was trying to help religious minorities from Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh. To critics, it looked like another anti-Muslim campaign, plain and simple.


The bill sailed through the lower house of Parliament but stalled after many Assamese politicians said they didn’t like the religious dimension the B.J.P. was injecting — or the possibility that the large number of Hindu Bengalis would be given an exception. Some B.J.P. politicians say they want to revive it.

Many of the people whose names were left off the list were born in India, lived here all their lives and were considered citizens in every right.

One of them was Mohammed Sanaullah, a retired army captain. In May, he was picked up on suspicion of being an illegal migrant and jailed for nearly two weeks.



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Indian flags for sale in New Delhi on Thursday.CreditRebecca Conway for The New York Times

Mr. Sanaullah said he was totally demoralized.

“I am an Indian, my father is an Indian, my grandfather was an Indian, my forefathers were Indian. They were all born in India. We will be Indian forever,” he said.

The Assam state government sends suspected foreign migrants to foreigner tribunals, a growing network of more than 100 small courts where the onus is on the suspects to provide the proof that the government is demanding. Human rights observers have complained that the proceedings often discriminate against Muslims and are the equivalent of sham trials.

The B.J.P. doesn’t want to stop at Assam.

Mr. Shah and other party leaders have promised their supporters that they will bring mass citizenship reviews across the country. Human rights activists fear these could be used to discriminate against minorities and this will be made easier because, under Supreme Court rules, individuals are allowed to legally challenge another’s citizenship.

More than 3.5 million people who have so far been left off the Assam citizenship list have filed challenges to their exclusion, and state-level officials are reviewing these claims.


But Assam is not waiting. The state government, which is controlled by an arm of the B.J.P., is planning to build 10 new detention camps with the capacity to hold thousands of people.

Bangladesh has not been eager to accept the ethnic Bengalis in Assam as citizens either. That could leave many languishing in a legal no-man’s land without many rights.

Critics say what is happening in both Assam and Kashmir (the state has a population of about 14 million) is an attempt to change the demographics in favor of Hindus. Kashmiris fear the government’s real plan in wiping out their autonomy is to pave the way to resettle large numbers of Hindu Indians in Kashmir and end its status as the one Muslim-majority territory in India.

Under the changes, Kashmiris will lose the special land rights they used to hold that made it difficult for non-Kashmiris to buy land in their state. Mr. Modi has argued that the new arrangement will bring outside investment, better governance and a “new dawn.”


But other Indian states have similar protections for local residents and Mr. Modi’s party is not trying to change those.

Critics say the difference is obvious: Those states are not Muslim.




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Documents submitted by people in Assam to prove their citizenship were stacked in an office in Kharupetia.CreditSaumya Khandelwal for The New York Times
 
. .
Updated Aug 22, 2019 09:10pm
Genocide Watch issues alerts for occupied Kashmir and India's Assam state
DAWN.COM
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Genocide Watch, a global organisation dedicated to the prevention of genocide, has issued two warning alerts for India — one for the occupied territory of Kashmir and the other for Assam state.

According to the website, a 'Genocide Watch'warning is declared by the NGO when there are signs of the early stages of a genocide in progress.

Founded by academic Dr Gregory Stanton in 1999, the organisation exists to predict, prevent, stop, and punish genocide — as defined in the Genocide Convention — and other forms of mass murder.




The most recent genocide alert issued by the organisation was for occupied Kashmir, in which it identified the genocidal process, based on Dr Stanton's 10 Stages of Genocide, to be far advanced:

  1. Classification: Hindu and Sikh Indian army “us” vs Kashmiri Muslim civilian “them”
  2. Symbolisation: Muslims have Muslim names (on ID cards), Kashmiri language, dress, mosques
  3. Discrimination: Hindu pandits were economically dominant until 1990; BJP reasserted Hindu power
  4. Dehumanisation: Muslims are called “terrorists”, “separatists”, “criminals”, “insurgents”
  5. Organisation: 600,000 heavily armed Indian army troops and police dominate occupied Kashmir
  6. Polarisation: Modi and the BJP incite anti-Muslim hatred; social media spread falsehoods
  7. Preparation: The Indian army occupies Kashmir; BJP leaders speak of the “Final Solution” for Kashmir
  8. Persecution: Kashmiri Muslims are locked down, subject to arrest, torture, rape, and murder
  9. Extermination: Since 1990, there have been at least 25 massacres by Indian troops as well as Muslim fighters with death tolls over 25
  10. Denial: Modi and BJP say their goals are to “bring prosperity” and “end terrorism”; they deny any massacres. No Indian Army troops or police are ever tried for torture, rape or murder
In view of these developments, Genocide Watch has called upon the United Nations and its members to warn India not to commit genocide in occupied Kashmir.

In pictures: What's happening in occupied Kashmir?

At least 4,000 people, mostly young men, have been detained in Indian-occupied Kashmir since a security lockdown and communications blackout was imposed to curb unrest after New Delhi stripped the disputed region of statehood.

5d5e7436d4498.jpg



The crackdown began just before Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist-led government on August 5 stripped Jammu and Kashmir of its semi-autonomy and its statehood, creating two federal territories.

Thousands of additional Indian troops were sent to man checkpoints in the Kashmir Valley, already one of the world’s most militarised regions. Telephone communications, cellphone coverage, broadband internet and cable TV services were cut for the valley’s seven million people.

A report by a team of activists and scholarsfound that people living under the lockdown expressed “enormous anger and anguish” in response to the surprise move by Modi’s government to revoke autonomy.

Maimoona Mollah, an activist on the fact-finding team, likened the situation in the region to Israel’s security protocol in the Palestinian territories. “Kashmir is like an open jail,” said Vimal Bhai, another activist on the team.

Assam
Genocide Watch has also issued an alert for Assam state in India, where millions of Bengali Muslims face losing citizenship status.

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Over seven million people in Assam State, mostly Muslims of Bengali descent, may lose their Indian citizenship and risk imprisonment in special “foreigner detention centers”. A process is now underway to “verify” the citizenship of all 32 million inhabitants of Assam state, which requires each person to affirmatively prove that they are Indian and not an “illegal migrant”.

"At the urging of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist central government, Assam is updating its master list of 'citizens' [...] Anyone not on the final 'citizen' list will be presumptively declared a 'foreigner', subject to statelessness and indefinite detention.

"Assam’s Muslims are especially likely to be excluded from the 'citizen' list as part of a decades-long pattern of discrimination. The word 'foreigners' is a common term of dehumanization used to exclude targeted groups from citizenship and the exercise of their fundamental civil and human rights," said Genocide Watch.

"The Home Minister of India has repeatedly referred to the Bengali Muslims as 'termites'. Anti-Muslim propaganda has polarised the Assam population.

"Assam Chief Minister Sarbananda Sonowal has requested additional Indian government troops and police to arrest 'foreigners'. The Assam state is constructing ten new 'foreigner' detention centers to add to the six prisons already in existence," added Genocide Watch, concluding: "These are the classification, symbolisation, discrimination, dehumanisation, organisation, and polarisation stages of the genocidal process."

Roundups of “foreigners” are likely to ignite genocidal massacres and a massive refugee crisis, the organisation highlighted.

"If India imprisons Bengali Muslims in Assam, it will be violating its obligations under the UN Refugee Conventions. If it expels them from India, it will be perpetrating 'forced displacement', a crime against humanity. If genocidal massacres occur, India will violate its obligations to prevent genocide under the Genocide Convention," added the watchdog.

Genocide Watch called upon the UN Secretary General, the UN Special Advisor on the Prevention of Genocide, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, and key UN member states to warn India "not to strip citizenship from, imprison, and forcibly displace millions of Bengali Muslims, many of whom have lived their entire lives in Assam state".
 
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Instead of Super power India count down
we can now start balkanization of India count down...I say 2030

tik tok, tik tok, tik tok
2030 may not be too off the mark. I say the signs of disintegration will start to show by the next Indian elections. Indians can only delay the inevitable but it has to happen, just like the rise of Modi and RSS/BJP was inevitable, so is the destruction of India as we know it.
 
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Lots of valid points but the overall conclusions here are sensationalist hubris. India has in fact surpassed a military-economic-geopolitical threshold, in that its right wing politicians can act with impunity and force through whatever it wants in Kashmir or elsewhere, because of a perfect milieu of overwhelming central military power, complete influence over the voting middle classes who remain immune to moral objections over whatever happens in Kashmir or elsewhere, and sufficient international and economic clout to nullify international criticism of what is quite simply ethnoreligious cleansing across the subcontinent. It can act in an unrestrained manner. Civil society within India is either pro-Modi or ambivalent. Very few voices care, and even fewer of those would dare speak up in anything meaningful beyond the usual candlelit vigils that BJP will exploit anyway to sarcastically demonstrate India's "democratic principles".

A nation which has surpassed this threshold has the political and economic means to sustain such fascism and will not inherently collapse or "balkanise", although we all may well pray for this. There are countless examples from human history, look no further than Nazi Germany or imperial japan. An external and massive influence is mandatory to trigger such a national collapse in such circumstances.

Do not think we can sit idly by and wait for India to collapse. Action is needed. IK is on the case for now but we must find ways to keep the pressure on and not get complacent or expect some Sikh or assamese to ride in and save the day for Kashmir.
 
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2030 may not be too off the mark. I say the signs of disintegration will start to show by the next Indian elections. Indians can only delay the inevitable but it has to happen, just like the rise of Modi and RSS/BJP was inevitable, so is the destruction of India as we know it.

This Sardar puts it very nicely
 
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