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By Sheila McNulty in Houston
Published: January 25 2011 00:29 | Last updated: January 25 2011 01:17
China has become the leader in wind energy capacity, seizing the lead from the US, where last year installations dropped to half of what they were in 2009.
US installations totalled 5,115 megawatts of wind power in 2010, barely half of 2009’s record pace because of what the industry sees as the lack of predictable long-term federal policies on renewable energy grants.
US wind capacity now stands at 40,180 megawatts, an increase in capacity of 15 per cent over the start of 2010, the American Wind Energy Association said on Monday. It said China now has 41,800 megawatts in operation, an increase of 62 per cent in capacity over a year ago.
Towards the end of last year, wind installations came to a standstill as the industry waited for Congress to renew a provision enabling the industry to obtain a cash grant in lieu of an investment tax credit, which had been a key factor behind growth. The provision eventually passed in late December but only for one year, resulting in long-term uncertainty.
“Our industry continues to ensure a boom-bust cycle because of the lack of long-term predictable federal policies,” said Denise Bode, chief executive of the American Wind Energy Association, the national trade association.
Research by General Electric has shown that investments in the wind industry have risen and fallen along with the renewal and expiration of renewable energy incentives. The expiration of incentives in 2000, 2002 and 2004, for example, caused a 76-90 per cent drop in installed capacity in the US from the previous year.
Complicating the efforts to maintain US growth in wind generation are low natural gas prices, which are leading power producers to favour that fossil fuel.
”Now that we’re competing with natural gas on cost, we need consistent federal policies to ensure we have a diverse portfolio of energy sources in this country, and don’t become over-reliant on one source or another,” Ms Bode said.
The renewal of the tax credit at the end of last year means the industry entered 2011 with more than 5,600 megawatts of electric power under construction, encouraging a more robust growth rate for this year.
By Pascal Lamy
Published: January 24 2011 22:43 | Last updated: January 24 2011 22:43
As recently as 30 years ago, products were assembled in one country, using inputs from that same country. Measuring trade was thus easy. 2011 is very different. Manufacturing is driven by global supply chains, while most imports should be stamped “made globally”, not “made in China”, or similar. This is not an academic distinction. With trade imbalance causing friction between leading economies, the measures we use can gravely exacerbate geopolitical tensions at a time when co-operation is more vital than ever.
International trade is currently measured in what is known as gross value. The total commercial value of an import is assigned to a single country of origin, as the good reaches customs. This worked fine when economist David Ricardo was alive: 200 years ago Portugal was trading wine “made in Portugal” for English textile “made in England”. But today the concept of country of origin is obsolete. What we call “made in China” is indeed assembled in China, but its commercial value comes from those numerous countries that precede its assembly. It no longer makes sense to think of trade in terms of “them” and “us.”
This is not to suggest that all international trade tensions will vanish overnight if we change the way trade is measured. But if we are to debate something as important as trade imbalances, we should do it on the basis of numbers that reflect reality. A distorted trade picture can inflame bilateral relations, while raising anti-trade sentiment at a time when protectionist pressures are already rising. Economists have long abandoned the view that trade is a zero-sum game, but the day-to-day worlds of politics and markets still seem to work on old mercantilist beliefs. The crisis has naturally exacerbated this feeling, even at a time when global manufacturing has made distinctions between “us” and “them” ever less relevant.
Apple’s iPhone illustrates this clearly. It is assembled in China, then exported to the US and elsewhere. Yet the components come from numerous countries. According to a recent Asian Development Bank Institute study, the phone contributed $1.9bn to the US trade deficit with China, using the traditional country of origin concept. But if China’s iPhone exports to the US were measured in value added – meaning the value added by China to the components – those exports would come to only $73.5m.
It isn’t just phones. Automobiles, aircraft, electronics – even clothing – are increasingly made in many countries. No car or commercial jet could now be built with inputs from just one country. Business leaders also know that new trade frictions are especially damaging in an era of global supply chains. Import duties, red tape or other delays or costs in the delivery of inputs means higher costs. And our traditional trade statistics make such frictions much more likely.
The statistical bias created by attributing commercial value to the last country of origin perverts the true economic dimension of the bilateral trade imbalances. This affects the political debate, and leads to misguided perceptions. Take the bilateral deficit between China and the US. A series of estimates based on true domestic content can cut the overall deficit – which was $252bn in November 2010 – by half, if not more.
Measures we use also change the way trade affects jobs too. Research on Apple’s iPod shows that out of the 41,000 jobs its manufacture created in 2006, 14,000 were located in the US. Some 6,000 were professional posts. Yet since US workers are better paid, they earned $750m, while only $320m went to workers abroad. Indeed, the iPod may have never existed if Apple had not known that Asian companies could supply components, while both Asian workers and Asian consumers would manufacture and buy it. Statistics that measure value added can provide a more reliable way of seeing how trade affects employment.
Different means of calculating trade is relevant well beyond the US and China. Thinking about trade in value-added terms can take us beyond the politics of bilateral trade balances. Seen this way, trade shifts from a one-to-one balance into a network of value-added chains, where interdependence dominates and everyone can win. Most importantly, it will help policymakers, and their populations, see the need for stronger multilateral trade co-operation – and the global growth and jobs they can bring.
The writer is director-general of the World Trade Organisation
One of the great ironies revealed by the global recession that began in 2008 is that Communist Party–ruled China may be doing a better job managing capitalism's crisis than the democratically elected U.S. government. Beijing's stimulus spending was larger, infinitely more effective at overcoming the slowdown and directed at laying the infrastructural tracks for further economic expansion.
As Western democracies shuffle wheezily forward, China's economy roars along at a steady clip, having lifted some half a billion people out of poverty over the past three decades and rapidly created the world's largest middle class to provide an engine for long-term domestic consumer demand. Sure, there's massive social inequality, but there always is in a capitalist system. (Income inequality rates in the U.S. are some of the worst in the industrialized world, and more Americans are falling into poverty than are being raised out of it. The number of Americans officially designated as living in poverty in 2009 — 43 million — was the highest in the 51 years that records have been kept.)
(See TIME's photo-essay "The Rise of Hu Jintao.")
Beijing is also doing a far more effective job than Washington of tooling its economy to meet future challenges — at least according to historian Francis Fukuyama, erstwhile neoconservative intellectual heavyweight. "President Hu Jintao's rare state visit to Washington this week comes at a time when many Chinese see their weathering of the financial crisis as a vindication of their own system, and the beginning of an era in which U.S.-style liberal ideas will no longer be dominant," wrote Fukuyama in Monday's Financial Times under a headline stating that the U.S. had little to teach China. "State-owned enterprises are back in vogue, and were the chosen mechanism through which Beijing administered its massive stimulus."
Today Chinese leaders are more inclined to scold the U.S. — its debtor to the tune of close to a trillion dollars — than to emulate it, and Fukuyama noted that polls show that a larger percentage of Chinese believe their country is headed in the right direction, compared with Americans. China's success in navigating the economic crisis, wrote Fukuyama, was based on the ability of its authoritarian political system to "make large, complex decisions quickly, and ... make them relatively well, at least in economic policy."
These are startling observations from a writer who, 19 years ago, famously proclaimed that the collapse of the Soviet Union heralded "the end of history as such ... That is, the end point of mankind's ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government."
Fukuyama has had the good grace and intellectual honesty to admit he was wrong. And he's no apologist for Chinese authoritarianism, calling out its abuses and corruption, and making clear that he believes the absence of democracy will eventually hobble China's progress. Still, as he noted in the Financial Times, while they don't hold elections, China's communist leaders are nonetheless responsive to public opinion. (Of course they are! A party brought to power by a peasant rebellion knows full well the destructive potential of the rage of working people.) But the regime claims solid support from the Chinese middle class, and hedges against social explosion by directing resources and investment to more marginal parts of the country.
China's leaders, of course, never subscribed to Fukuyama's "end of history" maxim; the Marxism on which they were reared would have taught them that there is no contingent relationship between capitalism and democracy, and they only had to look at neighbors such as Taiwan, South Korea and Singapore to see economic success stories under authoritarian rule — although the prosperity thus achieved played a major role in transforming Taiwan and South Korea into the noisy democracies they are today. Nor were Beijing's leaders under any illusions that the free market could take care of such basic needs as education, health care and infrastructure necessary to keep the system as a whole growing.
But Fukuyama also made a point about the comparative inability of the U.S. system to respond decisively to a long-term crisis. "China adapts quickly, making difficult decisions and implementing them effectively," Fukuyama wrote. "Americans pride themselves on constitutional checks and balances, based on a political culture that distrusts centralised government. This system has ensured individual liberty and a vibrant private sector, but it has now become polarised and ideologically rigid. At present it shows little appetite for dealing with the long-term fiscal challenges the U.S. faces. Democracy in America may have an inherent legitimacy that the Chinese system lacks, but it will not be much of a model to anyone if the government is divided against itself and cannot govern."
(See "China's High-Speed Rail.")
Money has emerged as the electoral trump card in the U.S. political system, and corporations have a Supreme Court–recognized right to use their considerable financial muscle to promote candidates and policies favorable to their business operations and to resist policies and shut out candidates deemed inimical to their business interests. So whether it's health reform or the stimulus package, the power of special interests in the U.S. system invariably produces either gridlock or mishmash legislation crafted to please the narrow interests of a variety of competing interests rather than the aggregated interests of the economy and society as a whole. Efficient and rational decisionmaking it's not. Nor does it appear capable of tackling long-term problems.
(Comment on this story.)
China is the extreme opposite, of course. It can ride roughshod over the lives of its citizens (e.g., building a dam that requires the forced relocation of 1.5 million people who have no channels through which to protest). But China's system is unlikely to give corporations the power to veto or shape government decisionmaking to suit their bottom lines at the expense of the needs of the system as a whole in the way that, to choose but one example, U.S. pharmaceutical companies are able to wield political influence to deny the government the right to negotiate drug prices for the public health system. Fukuyama seems to be warning that, in Darwinian terms, the Chinese system may be more adaptive than the land of the free.
Read more: http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,2043235,00.html#ixzz1C5bQp65K
China is planning to create the world's biggest mega city by merging nine cities to create a metropolis twice the size of Wales with a population of 42 million.
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By Malcolm Moore in Shanghai and Peter Foster in Beijing
The Telegraph
24 Jan 2011
City planners in south China have laid out an ambitious plan to merge together the nine cities that lie around the Pearl River Delta.
The "Turn The Pearl River Delta Into One" scheme will create a 16,000 sq mile urban area that is 26 times larger geographically than Greater London, or twice the size of Wales.
The new mega-city will cover a large part of China's manufacturing heartland, stretching from Guangzhou to Shenzhen and including Foshan, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Zhuhai, Jiangmen, Huizhou and Zhaoqing. Together, they account for nearly a tenth of the Chinese economy.
Over the next six years, around 150 major infrastructure projects will mesh the transport, energy, water and telecommunications networks of the nine cities together, at a cost of some 2 trillion yuan (£190 billion). An express rail line will also connect the hub with nearby Hong Kong.
"The idea is that when the cities are integrated, the residents can travel around freely and use the health care and other facilities in the different areas," said Ma Xiangming, the chief planner at the Guangdong Rural and Urban Planning Institute and a senior consultant on the project.
However, he said no name had been chosen for the area. "It will not be like Greater London or Greater Tokyo because there is no one city at the heart of this megalopolis," he said. "We cannot just name it after one of the existing cities."
"It will help spread industry and jobs more evenly across the region and public services will also be distributed more fairly," he added.
Mr Ma said that residents would be able to use universal rail cards and buy annual tickets to allow them to commute around the mega-city.
Twenty-nine rail lines, totalling 3,100 miles, will be added, cutting rail journeys around the urban area to a maximum of one hour between different city centres. According to planners, phone bills could also fall by 85 per cent and hospitals and schools will be improved.
"Residents will be able to choose where to get their services and will use the internet to find out which hospital, for example, is less busy," said Mr Ma.
Pollution, a key problem in the Pearl River Delta because of its industrialisation, will also be addressed with a united policy, and the price of petrol and electricity could also be unified.
The southern conglomeration is intended to wrestle back a competitive advantage from the growing urban areas around Beijing and Shanghai.
By the end of the decade, China plans to move ever greater numbers into its cities, creating some city zones with 50 million to 100 million people and "small" city clusters of 10 million to 25 million.
In the north, the area around Beijing and Tianjin, two of China's most important cities, is being ringed with a network of high-speed railways that will create a super-urban area known as the Bohai Economic Rim. Its population could be as high as 260 million.
The process of merging the Bohai region has already begun with the connection of Beijing to Tianjing by a high speed railway that completes the 75 mile journey in less than half an hour, providing an axis around which to create a network of feeder cities.
As the process gathers pace, total investment in urban infrastructure over the next five years is expected to hit £685 billion, according to an estimate by the British Chamber of Commerce, with an additional £300 billion spend on high speed rail and £70 billion on urban transport.
China to create largest mega city in the world with 42 million people - Telegraph
中国万岁-ProsperThroughCo-op;1437668 said:China to create largest mega city in the world with 42 million people
^^^^
The transportation system better be top notch.
Similar proposals may also be useful for places like regions around shanghai.
Look at the map - the megacity will suck HK dry - won't be too long before they want let in.
The metropolis will be as powerful as a small country, will put places like singapore to shame.
In the distant and unlikely even of china falling back into chaos, you'll see warlords call themselves kings and preside over various such city states.
Probably the most ambitious projects for a long time.
btw just adding populations in the various cities together gives me a figure of 47.9 million. South Korea by contrast has a population of 48.8 million as of 2010.
Actually, I think this makes rebellion less likely. Urban centers are extremely hardened against invasion but at the same time, high speed national transport networks make troop and police deployment rapid, and modern communications systems are easily intercepted from the inside. This makes the communication of orders by a rogue general, and the actual carrying out of the rebellion, almost impossible. If anyone had such an order, it could be listened to immediately, a broadcast would make the conspiracy known to the public, and troops/police from other parts of the country could be brought in to crush it.