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'Being young' leads to detention in China's Xinjiang region

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Chinese authorities using a data-driven ‘predictive policing’ network to intern people from Muslim minorities
Detainees at camps in Xinjiang.

Detainees at camps in Xinjiang are interned for reasons including contact with relatives abroad and being born after the 1980s, Human Rights Watch has found. Photograph: Ng Han Guan/AP



A rare leak of a prisoner list from a Chinese internment camp shows how a government data programme targets Muslim minorities for detention over transgressions that include simply being young, or speaking to a sibling living abroad.

The database obtained by Human Rights Watch (HRW) sheds new light on how authorities in Xinjiang region use a vast “predictive policing” network, that tracks individuals’ personal networks, their online activity and daily life.

The list contains details of more than 2,000 Uighur detainees held in Aksu prefecture between 2016 and 2018, all apparently imprisoned after they were flagged by the Integrated Joint Operations Platform (IJOP).

The IJOP is a massive database combining personal data scooped from automated online monitoring and information manually entered into a bespoke app by officials.

It includes information ranging from people’s physical characteristics to the colour of their car and their personal preference of using the front or back door to enter their house, as well as software they use online and their regular contacts.
“The Aksu List provides further insights into how China’s brutal repression of Xinjiang’s Turkic Muslims is being turbocharged by technology,” said Maya Wang, senior China researcher at HRW.

Most of those on the list were held for lawful and non-violent behaviour, but some are simply noted as “flagged by IJOP”, without further information about how authorities reached a decision with such painful implications.

Behaviour listed as a reason for detention includes being “generally untrustworthy” and being “born after the 1980s”. One man appears to have been detained for not paying rent on his land, and others for practising polygamy.

Beijing initially denied the existence of the camps, but more recently has claimed they are a vital part of the fight against extremism and terrorism.

The details on the list, however, show a broad detention dragnet. “This contradicts the Chinese authorities’ claims that their ‘sophisticated’, ‘predictive’ technologies, like the IJOP, are keeping Xinjiang safe by ‘targeting’ criminals ‘with precision’,” said Wang.

A detainee named in the report as Ms T was flagged for “links to sensitive countries”, after IJOP recorded that she had received four calls from her sister who lived overseas, noting their duration in minutes and seconds.

Researchers with HRW spoke to her sister as part of their efforts to verify the documents. She said Ms T was interrogated by police about overseas family around the time of her detention date.

There has been no contact between the siblings since then, although she heard Ms T was now working in a factory full-time, only allowed to go home on weekends. She suspects it was part of the forced labour programme.


There has been only one other leak of prisoner names, the Karakax list, which was made public earlier this year and showed how authorities judged whether to keep someone in detention. The Aksu list appears to show how authorities choose who to detain in the first place, and particularly the role of the IJOP.

While there have been leaks of official documents that describe how IJOP and the camp network are structured, these details from Aksu provide an unprecedented insight into how the system works on a day-to-day basis.

“While we have interviewed people who said they were detained after being selected by the IJOP, it’s the first time we’ve seen official documents explaining how, for each individual, the system caught and detained them,” Wang said.

“It shows us how it’s actually functioning, at an individual level. Not just how it is designed to function.”

Human rights groups have described mass human rights abuses in Xinjiang, including the incarceration of more than a million people in internment and re-education camps, forced labour, mass sterilisation of women, and restrictions on religion, culture and language, as cultural genocide.

 
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Chinese authorities using a data-driven ‘predictive policing’ network to intern people from Muslim minorities
Detainees at camps in Xinjiang.

Detainees at camps in Xinjiang are interned for reasons including contact with relatives abroad and being born after the 1980s, Human Rights Watch has found. Photograph: Ng Han Guan/AP



A rare leak of a prisoner list from a Chinese internment camp shows how a government data programme targets Muslim minorities for detention over transgressions that include simply being young, or speaking to a sibling living abroad.

The database obtained by Human Rights Watch (HRW) sheds new light on how authorities in Xinjiang region use a vast “predictive policing” network, that tracks individuals’ personal networks, their online activity and daily life.

The list contains details of more than 2,000 Uighur detainees held in Aksu prefecture between 2016 and 2018, all apparently imprisoned after they were flagged by the Integrated Joint Operations Platform (IJOP).

The IJOP is a massive database combining personal data scooped from automated online monitoring and information manually entered into a bespoke app by officials.

It includes information ranging from people’s physical characteristics to the colour of their car and their personal preference of using the front or back door to enter their house, as well as software they use online and their regular contacts.
“The Aksu List provides further insights into how China’s brutal repression of Xinjiang’s Turkic Muslims is being turbocharged by technology,” said Maya Wang, senior China researcher at HRW.

Most of those on the list were held for lawful and non-violent behaviour, but some are simply noted as “flagged by IJOP”, without further information about how authorities reached a decision with such painful implications.

Behaviour listed as a reason for detention includes being “generally untrustworthy” and being “born after the 1980s”. One man appears to have been detained for not paying rent on his land, and others for practising polygamy.

Beijing initially denied the existence of the camps, but more recently has claimed they are a vital part of the fight against extremism and terrorism.

The details on the list, however, show a broad detention dragnet. “This contradicts the Chinese authorities’ claims that their ‘sophisticated’, ‘predictive’ technologies, like the IJOP, are keeping Xinjiang safe by ‘targeting’ criminals ‘with precision’,” said Wang.

A detainee named in the report as Ms T was flagged for “links to sensitive countries”, after IJOP recorded that she had received four calls from her sister who lived overseas, noting their duration in minutes and seconds.

Researchers with HRW spoke to her sister as part of their efforts to verify the documents. She said Ms T was interrogated by police about overseas family around the time of her detention date.

There has been no contact between the siblings since then, although she heard Ms T was now working in a factory full-time, only allowed to go home on weekends. She suspects it was part of the forced labour programme.


There has been only one other leak of prisoner names, the Karakax list, which was made public earlier this year and showed how authorities judged whether to keep someone in detention. The Aksu list appears to show how authorities choose who to detain in the first place, and particularly the role of the IJOP.

While there have been leaks of official documents that describe how IJOP and the camp network are structured, these details from Aksu provide an unprecedented insight into how the system works on a day-to-day basis.

“While we have interviewed people who said they were detained after being selected by the IJOP, it’s the first time we’ve seen official documents explaining how, for each individual, the system caught and detained them,” Wang said.

“It shows us how it’s actually functioning, at an individual level. Not just how it is designed to function.”

Human rights groups have described mass human rights abuses in Xinjiang, including the incarceration of more than a million people in internment and re-education camps, forced labour, mass sterilisation of women, and restrictions on religion, culture and language, as cultural genocide.


ccp is treating billions of humans as slave .no freedom of thought or speech .this is why wealthy chinese are taking american citizenship .
 
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Chinese authorities using a data-driven ‘predictive policing’ network to intern people from Muslim minorities
Detainees at camps in Xinjiang.

Detainees at camps in Xinjiang are interned for reasons including contact with relatives abroad and being born after the 1980s, Human Rights Watch has found. Photograph: Ng Han Guan/AP



A rare leak of a prisoner list from a Chinese internment camp shows how a government data programme targets Muslim minorities for detention over transgressions that include simply being young, or speaking to a sibling living abroad.

The database obtained by Human Rights Watch (HRW) sheds new light on how authorities in Xinjiang region use a vast “predictive policing” network, that tracks individuals’ personal networks, their online activity and daily life.

The list contains details of more than 2,000 Uighur detainees held in Aksu prefecture between 2016 and 2018, all apparently imprisoned after they were flagged by the Integrated Joint Operations Platform (IJOP).

The IJOP is a massive database combining personal data scooped from automated online monitoring and information manually entered into a bespoke app by officials.

It includes information ranging from people’s physical characteristics to the colour of their car and their personal preference of using the front or back door to enter their house, as well as software they use online and their regular contacts.
“The Aksu List provides further insights into how China’s brutal repression of Xinjiang’s Turkic Muslims is being turbocharged by technology,” said Maya Wang, senior China researcher at HRW.

Most of those on the list were held for lawful and non-violent behaviour, but some are simply noted as “flagged by IJOP”, without further information about how authorities reached a decision with such painful implications.

Behaviour listed as a reason for detention includes being “generally untrustworthy” and being “born after the 1980s”. One man appears to have been detained for not paying rent on his land, and others for practising polygamy.

Beijing initially denied the existence of the camps, but more recently has claimed they are a vital part of the fight against extremism and terrorism.

The details on the list, however, show a broad detention dragnet. “This contradicts the Chinese authorities’ claims that their ‘sophisticated’, ‘predictive’ technologies, like the IJOP, are keeping Xinjiang safe by ‘targeting’ criminals ‘with precision’,” said Wang.

A detainee named in the report as Ms T was flagged for “links to sensitive countries”, after IJOP recorded that she had received four calls from her sister who lived overseas, noting their duration in minutes and seconds.

Researchers with HRW spoke to her sister as part of their efforts to verify the documents. She said Ms T was interrogated by police about overseas family around the time of her detention date.

There has been no contact between the siblings since then, although she heard Ms T was now working in a factory full-time, only allowed to go home on weekends. She suspects it was part of the forced labour programme.


There has been only one other leak of prisoner names, the Karakax list, which was made public earlier this year and showed how authorities judged whether to keep someone in detention. The Aksu list appears to show how authorities choose who to detain in the first place, and particularly the role of the IJOP.

While there have been leaks of official documents that describe how IJOP and the camp network are structured, these details from Aksu provide an unprecedented insight into how the system works on a day-to-day basis.

“While we have interviewed people who said they were detained after being selected by the IJOP, it’s the first time we’ve seen official documents explaining how, for each individual, the system caught and detained them,” Wang said.

“It shows us how it’s actually functioning, at an individual level. Not just how it is designed to function.”

Human rights groups have described mass human rights abuses in Xinjiang, including the incarceration of more than a million people in internment and re-education camps, forced labour, mass sterilisation of women, and restrictions on religion, culture and language, as cultural genocide.


Many things lead to detention in Xinjiang...like saying no to CCP officials entering the house.

If China is a police state, Xinjiang is what's next. :lol:
 
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China has done a great job in curbing extremism. Just recently some muslim presenter in SL said that any woman who doesn't cover from head to toe with black is a prostitute offending millions of Sri Lankan women. People like him should obviously be in a reeducation camp. Props to China that once again gets shit done.
 
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Evidence, evidence, evidence.

These media should publish photos and videos proving that Uyghurs are detained
View attachment 694844
View attachment 694843
CIA might own media ,but it dsnt own people .There is evidence of you want to see or don't close your eyes.for example many of the Chinese have been put in detention camps for marrying Pakistanies .
 
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Muslim is a political tool in western eyes. Seems brushing Muslims in China living in hell can reflect Muslims bright life in Europe, America and India. But Muslims themself knows clearly how their life is.
I am afraid you bashing Chinese Muslims this way will rise their complaint against your guys. We will try to show all your posted bullsht to Chinese muslims.
 
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It's funny how a prisoner list from Xinjiang can be so easily slip out and get into foreign hands. Or maybe it's a make up list by western report?
 
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Evidence, don’t you an anti-intellectual Indian know what evidence is?
News reports are not evidence. Human rights organizations’ estimates are not evidence. Whatever someone can say can only be regarded as half evidence.

Photos, videos, where is this physical evidence?
Evidence, evidence, evidence
 
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Evidence, don’t you an anti-intellectual Indian know what evidence is?
News reports are not evidence. Human rights organizations’ estimates are not evidence. Whatever someone can say can only be regarded as half evidence.

Photos, videos, where is this physical evidence?
Evidence, evidence, evidence
Do you take the videos of Pakistani spouses talking in Pakistan as evidence.
 
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